Imprisoned Anarchist Toby Shone
This week, we’re sharing audio from anarchist prisoner in the UK, Toby Shone. Toby was arrested in November of 2020 after a car chase and during 5 simultaneous raids on residences in the Forest of Dean outside of Bristol.
Toby was accused of being responsible for the insurrectionary counter-info anarchist site 325.NoState.Net as well as participation in the Informal Anarchist Federation – International Revolutionary Front, authoring communiques on behalf of IAF-IRF & the Earth Liberation Front, funding terrorism and being involved in the sabotage of a cellphone tower and having information on explosives. This raid and the case were brought in conjunction with the attempted linking of a diverse array of UK anarchist projects with terrorist charges via Operation Adream, which Toby understands to be conducted in conjunction with intelligence services from the Netherlands and German. The court failed to convict Toby Shone on these charges and only succeeded in convicting him of having and distributing hallucinogens and got 3 years, 9 months. Toby was then re-arrested while out on probation for having a cellphone and attending a prisoner support event.
You’ll hear two audios from Toby, first him explaining his conviction and situation during his first incarceration, and then you’ll hear Toby recently answer a few of our questions and updating listeners about his recent re-imprisonment in HMP Garth, far away from his supporters in the Bristol area. Much thanks to Brighton Anarchist Black Cross for supporting Toby and this conversation. More information at https://brightonabc.org.uk. Brighton ABC and Tobys supporters have noted that he’s been receiving pretty spotty treatment for his cancer and not getting a healthy vegan diet and so has lost some weight of recent. Tobys mail, including letters and books haven’t been making their way to him at HMP Garth. It’s requested that supporters consider writing Toby a postcard, letter or email to help him through these next 8 months or so before his scheduled release and to inform his crew at forestcase (at) riseup.net of the mailing so they have a record in case it doesn’t get to Toby.
Notably at that website you’ll see information about an upcoming International Anti-Repression Gathering happening in Brighton from March 30-31st. There’s information about signing up for the event at Brighton ABC’s website.
Argentinian Antifascist on Resisting Milei and Red Gym, La Cultura Del Barrio
Then, we were able to get an interview with Nicholas of Buenos Aires, Argentina to catch up on what’s been happening since the presidential election of libertarian capitalist Javier Milei. Milei’s presidential campaign was highlighted by his claims to subvert the status quo of Peronism – a socially liberal form of democracy with decades of complicated contexts in the 20th century. He’s claimed to be an “anarcho-capitalist,” although his policies since election have been nothing short of classic neoliberalism: cuts to social welfare, hamstringing of labor union’s rights to strike and picket, and doing away with common regulations of capital.
While folks in the USA have sought to understand Milei by comparing him to former U.S. President Trump, Nicholas outlines how this comparison falls short. We also talk about the role of organized anti-fascists in expecting continued clashes with the police, the social space & boxing gym La Cultura Del Barrio, and how the call for a general strike by mainstream labor unions in Argentina largely fell flat.
- NACLA article on Millei: https://nacla.org/argentina-shock-therapy-resistance-and-role-left
- LCDB on:
- LCDB Rolling Stone article (in spanish): https://es.rollingstone.com/la-cultura-del-barrio-documental-arg/
A couple of brief announcements…
Andrew Bushnell Memorial in Asheville
For folks who hear this in time, you’re invited to mourn the death of Aaron Bushnell, anarchist and US soldier who self-immolated on February 25th in front of the Israeli Embassy in DC in protest of the US complicity in and arming of the Israeli genocidal war on Palestinians. This gathering will happen at 6:30pm on Sunday, February 3rd by the Craven Street Bridge over the French Broad River in Asheville.
Kevin “Rashid” Johnson in dire health situation
Rashid, minister of Defense of the Intercommunal Black Panther Party has surpassed the 70th day of his hunger strike demanding transfer to a lower security medical facility near where he can receive comprehensive treatment for his prostate cancer and is suffering dire medical consequences as his organs begin to shut down. You can hear an interview we did with Shupavu wa Kirima of the IRBPP on the earlier stages of this hunger strike in our January 21st, 2024 episode at our website, which is also transcribed there. There is a sample script and some numbers to call in our show notes for folks who can call the Virginia government to advocate for Rashid’s life.
They are asking folks to keep calling, urgently. Here’s a sample script and numbers to use and to share/post etc:
“I am calling with grave concern about the status of Kevin ‘Rashid’ Johnson who is participating in the Red Onion State Prison hunger strike. He must be allowed to remain close to the medical facility where he accesses treatment for his prostate cancer and congestive heart failure. Please move him back to Sussex I or Buckingham. Additionally, the use of solitary confinement in the state of Virginia is cruel and illegal. I am demanding an end to the use of this practice inside your prisons. We are watching the strike and we will not stop calling until the striker’s demands are met. Thank you.”
The contact info is as follows:
- VADOC Director, Chadwick S Dotson
- *NEW NUMBER*Phone: (804) 674-3000 (then hit “0” for staff)
- Email: Chadwick.Dotson@vadoc.virginia.gov
- VADOC Interstate Compact Liaison, Kyle Rosch
- Phone: (804) 887-8404
- Email: kyle.rosch@vadoc.virginia.gov
- VADOC, Chief of Corrections Operations, David Robinson
- Phone: (804) 887-8078
- Email: david.robinson@vadoc.virginia.gov
- Governor of Virginia, Glenn Youngkin
- Phone: (804) 786-2211
- Email: glenn.youngkin@governor.virginia.gov
Mumia Abu-Jamal deteriorating health
Mumia underwent a double bypass heart surgery on April 19, 2021. His doctor prescribed a cardiac diet and regular exercise for recovery. To date, almost 3 years later, the prison has failed to provide Mumia the required cardiac diet and opportunities for exercise. More on this, including places you can donate to his legal and medical defense fund and who to express your concern for Mumia’s life and safety can be found at PrisonRadio.Org
Please call and write these prison officials.
1) Superintendent, Bernadette Mason: 570-773-2158
Email: bmason@pa.govSCI Mahanoy PA Department of Corrections, 301 Grey Line Drive, Frackville, PA 17931
2) Secretary of PA Dept of Corrections, Laurel Harry: 717-728-4109
Email: ra-crpadocsecretary@pa.gov
Message this form: py-forms-prod.powerappsportals.us/DOCContactUs/1920 Technology Parkway | Mechanicsburg, PA 17050.
3) Acting Deputy Secretary Eastern Region, Morris Houser 717- 728-4122 ext. 4123
Email: mhouser@pa.gov
Sample Script (can also use for letters and emails):
I am calling because Mumia Abu-Jamal #AM 8335 and other incarcerated elders diagnosed with heart disease are being prevented by the prison from getting what they medically require for their health.
Mumia Abu-Jamal #AM 8335 had double bypass heart surgery. He needs:
1) A CARDIAC DIET three times a day that includes fresh vegetables and fruit, whole grains, legumes, and limited sugar, salt, and highly processed foods;
2) He must have access to do sufficient cardiac rehab every day. Thank You.
Cc: your letter to info@prisonradio.org
https://bit.ly/mumia-fund https://www.bit.ly/mumia-action
Leonard Peltier Must Be Freed!
Elder political prisoner of Lakota, Dakota and Anishinaabe descent, Leonard Peltier, has been in prison for roughly 47 years and at nearly 80 years old after this long behind bars, his physical health is ailing. His supporters are asking people of conscience to contact US senators and representatives to appeal for medical care for his eyesight and other medical needs, including access to a wheelchair. There are lots of backgrounds on his case, but you also can hear a February 17th, 2019 interview we conducted with Paulette D’Auteuil on his case.
SAMPLE SCRIPT
“Hello, I’m calling about immediate medical care needed for Leonard Peltier, a 79 year-old federal prisoner. His prisoner number is 89637- 132, and he’s in USP Coleman 1.
We need Sen/Rep _____’s assistance.
1) First, Leonard must see an eye specialist without further delay, as his loss of vision poses serious risk of him falling, and he depends on other prisoners to perform basic life activities.
2) Second, Leonard is in constant pain and has multiple severe health conditions requiring immediate and ongoing medical care.
I am asking (Sen/Rep) to request an immediate transfer for Leonard Peltier to the Federal Medical Prison Facility in Rochester
Minnesota (FCI Rochester) where he can get treatment for all of his medical conditions.
I also urge the Sen/Rep to advocate for elder Leonard Peltier’s release so he can receive healthcare outside of prison and be with loved ones and community. Aside from Leonard Peltier being innocent of any crime, immediate release is proper and humane given his advanced age and medical conditions. Thank You.”
. … . ..
Featured Track:
- Shut ‘Em Down (instrumental) by LL Cool J
. … . ..
Toby Shone Transcription
Transcript of an audio by Toby posted on darknights.noblogs.org between January 5th and 6th, 2022. Translations in Greek, Spanish, Portuguese, Russian, German, Italian and French exist there as well:
My name is Toby Shone, and I’m an imprisoned anarchist held in Bristol prison who was kidnapped at gunpoint by the anti-terrorist unit, as part of Operation Adream in the UK. The repression was aimed to target the anarchist group of critique and practice, 325 collective and the website 325.nostate.net. Operation Adream is an attack by the British State in conjunction with European partners against anarchist direct action groups, counter-information projects, prisoner solidarity initiatives and the new anarchist critique of the technological singularity and the fourth and fifth industrial revolution. Operation Adream is the first time that anti-terrorist legislation has been used against the anarchist movement in the UK.
I was taken hostage by the regime on the 18th of November 2020 by a team of tactical fire arms cops after a car chase through the remote Forest of Dean, which is on the border with South Wales, one hour north of Bristol. At the same time coordinated raids took place at five addresses in the Forest of Dean against collective living projects, hangouts and a storage unit. I was taken under armed guard to a nearby police station where I was held in incommunicado and interrogated many, many times. I refused to speak during the interrogations and I did not cooperate with the murderers in uniform.
I was charged with four counts of terrorism. One charge of Section 2, dissemination of terrorist publications as a suspected administrator 325.nostate.net. Two charges of section 58, possession of information useful for the purposes of terrorism. Those being two videos. One of which showed how to improvise an explosive shaped charge. And the other demonstrated how to burn down a mobile phone transmitter. I was charged with Section 15, funding terrorism, which was related to cryptocurrency wallets hosted on 325.nostate.net which were for the support of anarchist prisoners and publications. I denied all the charges.
I was also accused during the interrogations of membership of FAI/IRF, the Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front. I was accused of writing five documents and carrying out several actions in the Bristol area, which were claimed by cells of the FAI as well as those of the Earth- and Animal Liberation Fronts. These included an incendiary attack against the police station, the burning down of a mobile phone transmitter and liberation of animals.
Bristol is an area of the UK where there has been countless anarchist sabotages and direct actions taking place over the last two decades and which remain unsolved by police, despite multi-million pound investigations and joint media witch hunts against anarchists in the city.
From the collective spaces and hangouts that were raided during Operation Adream the cops seized hundreds of copies of 325 #12 magazine, dozens of anarchist pamphlets, books, stickers, posters and flyers, laptops, mobile phones, printers, hard drives, cameras, radio frequency jammers, gps units, smoke-, noise- and flash charges, replica firearms and cash. In the evidence produced against me was numerous anarchist publications including 325 #12 magazine, which is about the fourth and fifth industrial revolution, the pamphlet “Incendiary dialogues” by Gustavo Rodríguez, Gabriel Pombo da Silva and Alfredo Cospito which is published by Black International Editions. Also the text “What is anarchism” by Alfredo Bonnano, Dark Nights newsletter, the small book “Anarchy, civil or subversive?” by 325 and Dark Matter publications, a flyer in solidarity with anarchist prisoners Alfredo Cospito and Nicola Gai, a flyer against the COVID-19 lockdowns called “Face the fear, fight the future” as well as many other texts and publications in solidarity with anarchist prisoners and revolutionary organisations such as the CCF, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
I was remanded to Wandsworth prison in London after appearing at Westminster Magistrates Court and held under anti-terrorist conditions. I was denied to make any phone call in the prison for ten days as well as a similar embargo on my mail. I was denied to see my lawyers for six weeks. 23.5 hour solitary confinement with sometimes up to 48 hours without being able to leave the cell for anything other than to collect a meal. No yard time for the first 3 weeks and then only allowed to go outside on the yard once a fortnight for 35 minutes. No gym, no library, no education, no activities. I was held in a dungeon like cell with no natural light and subjected to deafeningly loud construction noise as I was placed by the counter-terror unit next to a new section of the prison being built. My letters, phone calls and associations all subject to routine monitoring and censorship with constant obstruction to access for my lawyers, post and books. I did not receive the full case against me for many, many months.
Operation Adream is a montage, fitting together disparate, unconnected elements, typical of repressive operations in Southern Europe which has spread across the continent. This is now being deployed by the British police. Operation Adream seeks to present the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire as a continuation of the armed Marxist-Leninist revolutionary organisation November 17th. This is an important fantasy for the purposes of repression in this operation as November 17th is a proscribed group in UK. Most importantly, Operation Adream sought to present the diverse range of anarchist groups, publishing projects and prisoner support initiatives as an array of organisational hubs for the execution and glorification of terrorism.
The case was authorised by the Director of Public Prosecutions Max Hill QC. The investigation revealed at least the participation of Dutch and German cops, the hidden hand of the security services and an international dimension to the operation based on previous waves of repression in Spain, Italy and Greece was evident. During my interrogations, I was being asked a pre-written script of questions which , for instance, not even the detectives appeared to understand why I was being asked as the entire operation was a marionnette guided by others to achieve a political purpose. About that, I can only quote the murdered anarchist Bartholomew Vanzetti who remarked, “The higher of them, the more jackass.” It is certainly appropriate as on the 6th October 2021 at Bristol Crown Court I was found Not Guilty. However, I was condemned for the possession and supply of Class A and B narcotics: the psychedelic medicines LSD, DMT, psilocybin, MDMA and marijuana, as these were all seized from the collective spaces. I was sentenced to 3 years 9 months.
I am also fighting against a Serious Organised Crime Prevention Order which is demanded by the anti-terrorist unit and the prosecutors. The order would put me under a form of house arrest for up to 5 years when I finally get released with a punishment of up to 5 years if I breach the order. The order would control and monitor my daily movements, contact with others, residence, usage of money, devices, international travel and so on. It demands precise information be given to the cops of all my friends, contacts and loved ones and is simply a means to monitor and criminalise my friendships and living environments. My trial for that is scheduled no earlier than the 15th of January and the investigation against me continues as does Operation Adream which is aimed at the 325 collective.
I want to thank all those who have supported me. My heart is open and strong and I am determined. I send to you all a huge hug and a smile.
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TFSR: We’re speaking with Toby Shone, anarchist currently incarcerated in Garth Prison in Leyland. Thank you very much for being willing to have this conversation.
Toby Shone: Hi, Final Straw Radio, it’s Toby. Thank you for this opportunity, and I express my gratitude to the Anarchist Black Cross Brighton for facilitating.
TFSR: Prior to this conversation, we played your statement from 2022 about your initial case and imprisonment in order to give some background to your situation in your own words. The Brighton ABC website describes your re-arrest while on release to a halfway house but I wonder if you wouldn’t mind sharing what happened to you and where you are now.
TS: I was transferred to the long-term high-security prison estate in October 2023 after a firework solidarity demo for my case outside where I was previously locked up in Bristol Prison. I’m currently in a cell on C-wing Garth Prison in Northwest UK. There are around 850 men in this prison, the majority of whom are on very long sentences or life. It’s a brutal and unforgiving environment. But my heart is strong and I am as stubborn as ever, and I remain all repentant and anarchist to the end.
I was arrested last year in September by a tactical unit acting on the command of the Southwest counterterror police and spent nine months in conditional liberty after release on the MAPPA, Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangements. The National Security Division classified me as dangerous and posing a high risk of serious harm to the general public and the state. To justify my arrest, the counterterror police and National Security Division indicate my abject refusal to cooperate with them, possession of an unauthorized smartphone, and attendance at a prisoner solidarity dinner at BASE, an anarchist social center in Easton, Bristol, as part of the International Week of Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners, which takes place every year from August 23 till 30.
TFSR: In your explanation of the case that we played before, you spoke about Operation Adream, the raids in you community, the terrorism charges, accusations of responsibility for publishing “dangerous materials” and the attempt to link you and other comrades and projects to international struggles and illegal activities. The crown prosecutors failed at convincing the courts and, following that, failed to successfully impose a Serious Crime Prevention Order (SCPO) that would have not only further limited your association and travel but had the purpose of social mapping your relationships and hopes of wrangling you back into prison sooner. Could you speak about the continued political pursuit of you by UK law enforcement under the guise of criminality since they couldn’t get you on politics? Or is that an inappropriate distinction?
TS: About the continued investigation, little is known other than the investigative reports served with detailed intense surveillance I was under during my conditional liberty. So far, there have been no more raids, only harassment and monitoring, including a notable border detention and attempted interrogation under the counter-terrorist Schedule 7 legislation of a close comrade returning from Barcelona some time ago. As anarchists and those engaged in revolutionary struggle, we can expect ongoing, undefined, continuous surveillance and pursuit. In this, social and political crimes are merely expedient reasonings for state agencies towards their aim of neutralizing their enemies. It’s clear that I, along with other comrades, have been under investigation for many years. Even now, within the prison walls, I remain under enhanced close monitoring and the attempted disruption of my contact with those outside. None of which will suppress my insurrectional speech and the transmission of the anarchic ideas. All the investigating reports, surveillance logs, and counterterror analytics are worthless trash composed of the human garbage of the state.
TFSR: In addition to the contents of that January 2022 statement, have there been any revelations concerning Operation Adream or similar coordinated law enforcement attacks on anarchists and libertarians in the UK?
TS: It’s known that police coordination, including that of cross-border cooperation, exists, but again, little is known definitively at present.
But what is more important is our coordination, our international struggle, and the next generation of social war against the state, capitalism, and technological singularity. Towards this networking, we propose an International Anti-Prison Gathering in Brighton, on March 29th-31st of this year. This event is only the first part of a renewed set of encounters to support our imprisoned comrades and the struggle against the prison industrial complex. Secondly, we propose an international anti-technology gathering to take place in an as yet unconfirmed city in mainland Europe in the autumn of 2025. The details of this meeting will be available at the end of this year. Aside from the coordination of practical encounters, we can also mention the cross-pollination of the blossoming of our struggle in the streets, for which no police coordination has yet been able to prevent nor destroy, and the days and nights belong to us.
TFSR: Would you tell us about the current condition of your confinement, access to exercise, books, lawyers and your supporters, including the impacts of moving you so far from your home and main support network?
TS: I am basically locked up for 22,5 hours every day in a very small cell. As to my access to books, it’s very difficult due to the conditions I am subject to to receive them. I have been denied over seven books already. It’s the same with my correspondence which is heavily censored. I receive very little. The strategy of the National Security Division is based on trying to prevent me from receiving social support and isolating me from that support. To that end, I was moved to the long-term high-security prison estate. Evidently, it’s a pathetic and failed repressive move, which only makes me more determined and steadfast in my outlook and my perspectives. I welcome cards and letters, and I reply to each one that I receive. You can also contact Anarchist Black Cross Brighton to send me greetings or stay in touch. I am in weekly contact with my excellent legal team, and we’re working on a parole application. I doubt I’ll be released before my sentence end date. I have yard time each day for 30 minutes, and I have access to the gym twice a week.
TFSR: Another huge concern for folks that are incarcerated is healthcare and it seems pertinent to ask about since what the state was able to convict you of were the drugs you were treating yourself with. On January 22nd, outside comrades published a letter of yours talking about endangerment and indecencies you’ve experienced with your cancer or oncology treatment experiences. How is your health and what is the status of the medical care you are able to receive?
TS: As many of you know, I’m in remission from cancer. It’s been a difficult journey that some of you also face or will face. For prisoners, healthcare usually does not exist. There’s a response team for drug overdoses and suicide attempts, for the aftermath of fights, stabbings, and beatings, but in my experience, there is no effective health care in the prison system in the UK. There is only neglect and endorsement of the prison’s torture. Generally, the conditions are very bad, and healthcare is mostly a racket for the widespread issuing of drugs to keep prisoners compliant and addicted to opiates and psychiatric medication.
TFSR: Could you speak about your experiences with other prisoners or any lessons you’ve taken away from your time resisting repression or held in prison that could be helpful or insightful for the (curently) outside audience?
TS: I’ve always enjoyed really good relationships with the other imprisoned guys on the whole. Prison might be a horrific, dehumanizing, and violent place. But your life will continue inside. You’ll find a way to live meaningfully if you keep your head up stay positive and hold on to your dreams. Many folks on the outside don’t realize that they also live in a prison, a social prison, and those who risk nothing, gain nothing. So never let your fear control you, inside or out. In your heart, nurture your strength and your kindness. If you want a better world, prison is where you may end up, and this is worthwhile of respect. The revolutionary path has always had losses, but we can use each day to learn, to laugh, to keep ourselves supple, and to fill our inner life with wonder. Here we are behind the enemy lines. We are on a war footing. Listen more than you speak. Keep yourself clean and well-fed, don’t fraternize with screws or snitches, don’t become involved in gossip, debt, or the black market economy. Go to the gym, get your food, get out to the yard, and maintain your routines and your interests. Only you can give away your dignity and your self-respect. No one can take it from you. Life does not end when you enter the gate.
TFSR: Would you like to say anything about the support networks that have spread your word, reached in to contact you and have acted or spoken in solidarity with you on the outside?
TS: I want to express my solidarity with every comrade locked up in prison and send that embrace to all those in support networks. To all the nameless translators and agitators, to the international groups of the Anarchist Black Cross, and to the countless groups and individuals who are active. To the Forest Case, to the dark nights, to our chaotic project. To the Western Alps anti-repression fund, many thanks. A revolutionary movement can be assessed by the extent to which it takes care of its captured fighters, and to the extent it continues to struggle. I want to emphasize the restructuring of a global network of resistance, which has the destruction of prisons and the state at its core. In this, everyone can play a role in ways they choose. I want to speak of the need to reestablish an Atlantic bridge of comradeship, affinity, and social war. I want to stress the importance of the struggle against the new industrial revolutions and the singularity to come.
I am with you when you put pen to paper for our imprisoned comrades, I am with you at the benefit dinner, a soli gig, a demonstration, at the occupations and evictions. At the barricades when stones and fire rain from the skies, when the fear changes sides, I am there with you all, because our struggle is one. With a hug, a helping hand, and a raised fist, I am beside you.
TFSR: You are scheduled for release on November 11, 2024, four years after your initial arrest. Do you have any post-relief support you want to mention where folks can throw some money to help you transition out of prison?
TS: I’m scheduled for release on the 11th of November this year, but we cannot rule out the megalomania of dirty tricks of the British regime, which I’ve already been threatened with recently. I expect to remain under surveillance and harassment by the National Security Division and counterterror police. This will also affect the comrades around me. We lost two out of three collective living spaces as a result of the raids in November 2020 and incurred substantial losses. The Forest Case does not concern me solely. I can’t forget about those on the other side of the walls, those under investigation and hunted. If you want to contribute to the anti-repression solidarity fund for Operation Adream, please contact Anarchist Black Cross Brighton at brightonabc@riseup.net. Or the solidarity group, forestcase@riseup.net.
Thank you again, Final Straw Radio, for the initiative to break this greatly imposed isolation and help us prisoners escape the walls and the barbed wire that separates us. I’ve tried to answer your questions as best as I can, and any errors in interpretation and dictation are mine. This is Toby Shone, anarchist and chaotic, signing off. Thanks all for listening. Ciao.
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Prisoner’s report on HMP Garth, C Wing.
- Dirty, aging, unmaintained conditions, lack of hot water, heating, windows don’t open, or they’re always stuck open. It is squalid here. The maintenance contractor is Amey who does not carry out work or carries it out to a substandard level. Multiple areas of the prison have roof leaks with rain coming in and with buckets left in the corridors to collect rainwater. It’s either freezing cold or too hot in the cells, and there’s no water pressure.
- Little to no access to basic cleaning products, leading to further dirty conditions of cells and living environment and lack of dignity with no functioning dryer.
- Little to no access to basic resources such as toilet rolls, forks, spoons, bowls, and plates. No soap, toothpaste, shower gels, etc are available for the guys.
- Offender Management Unit applications are not getting answered or dealt with, leading to a lack of progression and the ability to move on in the guys’ sentences. And there are very few outgoing transfers to category C prisons, which is the lower security designation.
- The screws are reluctant to give out envelopes and paper for writing to family and friends. There’s a waiting list system in place to request envelopes and paper. This often never works. This increases isolation and lack of contact.
- Healthcare is totally disorganized and negligent. Some guys are unable to access health care due to a long waiting list. There are reports of guys waiting three months for basic requests.
- No access to the library for all the main wings due to regime mandates and reluctance to include the library in the regime.
- No consistency with regimes. No routine, often only told what time we get out of cells the day before or on the day. Hardly anything ever starts on time. Visits never start properly and end before the time advertised. There’s little access to activities, education, and labor. There’s not enough time out cells, not enough gym slots, and there’s not enough yard time. There is meaningless slave labor. No vocational training of any use, unimaginative educational courses with no range, and they’re only designed to get guys on to prison workshops.
- Prisoners’ property isn’t being processed adequately. There are serious delays in getting what we are sent or what we order or what we arrive with to the prison. The catalog orders are expensive, and they’re not processed on time or not processed at all. The approved retailers list is expensive and therefore unavailable for many prisoners. Books aren’t allowed to be sent directly from family and friends, which is against national guidelines. Censorship and destruction of books sent here to the prison with spurious reasonings from security.
- Lack of a functioning complaint service, willfully obstructive replies to complaints from the regime admins, and complaint forms are usually always unavailable, meaning there’s a compounded failure of the complaint service. There is a lack of oversight or recourse to complaints, and this antagonizes the guys, increasing tensions on the wing.
- The systemic problems with mail, with it not being collected from the wings and not being given out, with arbitrary censorship and a refusal from the regime to explain the censorships, and a denial that prisoners even have post. All mail is photocopied badly in black and white with no care, meaning it’s often unreadable and with our photos ruined.
- The guys couldn’t call their families and friends over New Year, despite being told we could. The phone call prices are exploitative and overexpensive, and the phone’s cut off overnight. British Telecom is making a lot of money from this.
- Poor choices in the prison canteen, expensive or without stock, lack of provision of fresh products, lack of range. The prison servery has no variety. There are few choices. Poor quality, the servery takes too long, is disorganized. It leads to tensions and queue jumping, and there are no decent vegan choices or products in the canteen or servery. There’s no affordability and no chickpeas, lentils, nuts, and so on.
- Guys are brought to Garth from far away around the country, out of their area, and find it difficult to maintain external contacts and family ties. There’s no public transport to the prison, and visitors are kept waiting too long with seating in cold, sparse holding areas. The visiting booking process is not functioning well. It’s almost impossible to book the full allocation of visits for the guys. The visit booking phone line is almost never answered.
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Argentine Antifascist Transcription
TFSR: First up, if you could you introduce yourself and some of the projects you work on in Buenos Aires?
Nicolás: My name is Nicolas. I’m from the south-east city of the country. I have been living in Buenos Aires since 2009, and I’m a part of Acción Antifascista Buenas Aires.
TFSR: I’d be excited to talk about LCDB, La Cultura del Barrio, but maybe we can talk about that later in the interview as well. Let’s jump in.
For English-speaking American audiences who maybe don’t follow Argentine politics very closely, Milei was just recently elected. Most of what I feel has been talked about in US media is that he’s kind of the Argentina version of our Donald Trump. I’m curious, who is Milei? How did he become popular enough to win the presidential election? What was his mass appeal?
Nicolás: Milei is a very new phenomenon. He is not like Trump. Trump is more patriotic, and Milei appeals to the “freedom of speech” idea. But in fact, he’s trying to apply not a liberal policy but an illiberal policy. He has a liberal discourse, but he is trying to apply all the policies by decrees. For example, last month, the government tried to apply a “Necessity and Urgency Decree” to apply over 600 laws without discussing it in Congress. It includes the privatization of football clubs, giving him the right to apply laws without Congressional oversight for two years, and managing the economics and social policies without Congress. Obviously, the left-wing parties, or the social-democratic parties, say “Stop, we can’t go with that.” A lot of people who voted for him also noted that that’s not what we will do: that “you’re talking about liberty, freedom, free market, taking out the benefits from the poorest people,” but he didn’t do any of that. But he moved the money from the poorest classes to the richest. The subsidies, when the government could give money to a private company, he started with that with very big companies like Mercado Libre. It’s like the Amazon of Argentina. Reducing taxes for big companies, not just modest companies.
About the protests, the demonstrations: the first one, the biggest one was three weeks ago, organized by the biggest syndicalist union, Confederación General del Trabajo. It united 20-30 [unions], but they’re managed by three very rich people. Those three have occupied top positions in the union for up to 20, 30, 40 years. They have a lot of power. They organized the demonstration, it was half a million people around the country, but it was one day for 2-3 hours, and that’s all. When Congress tried to apply the DNU, the new decree, a lot of people went out to the streets, and there was some fight against the police or against even the same organizations. But then the government didn’t pass the decree, because a lot of people in the Congress that promised to the government that they would vote for the bill ended up refusing to do it at the last moment. The government says “Well, we will have a vote again in a month, two months.” We are waiting to see what’s going to happen.
TFSR: You talked about how there’s a big feeling among Argentine voters who are saying, “This is not why we voted for you. You’re doing things that we didn’t think that you would do.” Do you have an idea or a feeling of why people voted for Milei? Why was he popular?
Nicolás: For example, he was popular because of social media. He is basically been growing for the last five years on social media, mostly among younger people. There was another candidate from the Economics Ministry. You have to know that that ministry leads the government with 180% inflation. So the people didn’t want to vote for that. If we’re voting for a better candidate for our government, we can’t vote for a government that leaves you with nothing for your salary.
Also, Milei was talking about in the campaign to people who took to the streets to demonstrate. Here in Buenos Aires, it’s a daily thing. Every day you have pickets and blockades when people block the street, so you can go on and you have to see the demonstration. A lot of workers are tired of that because they have to go to work and they can’t go because they can’t go along the street, or they see a lot of people that don’t work but have some benefits from the state. A lot of people don’t like that. And Milei is used to screaming and cursing, while the left-wing parties are very politically correct. Most of the workers don’t want to be politically correct. They want things done. He used that to win a lot of people, the poorest people, saying, “Well, if the politicians don’t work, we don’t pay them. If the politicians have a lot of money, we will reduce their salaries.” They talk a lot about the establishment, “la casta” (the caste), about how the previous governments had a lot of people working in the different state agencies, ministries, etc. And a lot of people say, like, “Well, I’m paying taxes to pay a lot of politicians or people who don’t even work.” That was the most influential part of Milei’s discourse.
Also, he claimed to be a messiah, the guy who came to Argentina to save the country. He said he talked about it with his dead dog. Also, he cloned his dead dog and created four or five more dogs with the same name. He said that his dog, Conan, saved him and that he wanted to save Argentina. The people didn’t even say, “Well, you’re fucking crazy! You’re talking with your dog.” People were like “Oh, he’s so sweet. He talks with his dead dog.” But nowadays, a lot of people who voted for him are saying, “Well, we have to give him some time to govern, to apply the policies. We will see in a year.” But people now can’t even pay for public transport. The prices grew by 100-150%, from $1 to $3 per ticket. So people are saying, “Not only are you not taking money from the politicians or the big companies, but also you are raising the price of the tickets.” So he’s a very weird candidate, a weird person. He is a freak. Last month he went on a date with a famous actress in a theater and kissed her in front of the cameras. People thought it was gross: “You’re a president. You have to really act more serious.” I understand why he won the election, but not why people love him.
TFSR: It sounds like we can’t really characterize or describe Milei’s supporters as fascists or members of the far-right?
Nicolás: No, very far from them.
TFSR: Yeah. It seems he has a very mass appeal and that mass appeal came from people being upset with the status quo of Peronism. Is that true?
Nicolás: Exactly. Even the largest fascist organizations and certain groups, now they are not even fascist, they are transforming into alt-right or new nationalism, but not fascism. For example, a lot of fascist organizations don’t like him because he’s pro-Israel. Also, he’s talking with the IMF to take a new loan to pay debts. So his electorate are not fascists, they are people who are upset with Peronism, as you said, and looking for a new kind of government, a new discourse, and even another discussion in the streets about politics. Because feminism, progressivism, and collectivism were a very big part of the agenda of the last government and a lot of people didn’t like it either. But because there was a lot of money from the state going to these organizations when people have salaries from $10 to $100 per month, people say, “Well, why do we have to support the government which gives a lot of money to X organization and not to us?” That was a very big part of why he won. People were upset with that kind of politics.
TFSR: Yeah, that makes a lot of sense. It sounds like the alt-right, the fascism scene is also displeased with Milei, but for different reasons. Because, as you were saying, his support for Israel. Far-right, have they shifted their style or ideology in response to Milei? Are they just ignoring him? How has Millie’s presidency impacted the far-right?
Nicolás: There are two sides. One side supports him because they want money, I think. The other side is between ignoring him and being against some policies but supporting others. In Argentina, the far-right is a large part of the population. Unlike in the ‘80s and ‘70s, when the far-right was much bigger than now. Nowadays, they transformed into right-wing social democrats.
But one of the most notorious discourses of Milei was saying that the Pope is a representative of the demon in the earth. Then he said sorry to the Pope, and he was in the Vatican a week ago with the Pope. Before that, he was in Israel. Argentina has a big Jewish population. Jewish organizations here have a lot of power because there are a lot of Jews, and he attracted them. He said if they faced any attack, he would support them. Now he says he is a Jew, that he’s in the process of transformation to be a Jew. But when he went to the Vatican, he said, “No, I am a Catholic. I have my convictions, but if you don’t like it, I have another…” He goes from A to Z in a second.
TFSR: Okay. Let’s shift gears a little bit. I want to ask you, how are social movements responding to Milei? What has been the role of anti-fascists in the last couple of months in responding to his presidency and what he’s managed to get through Congress?
Nicolás: Well, nowadays, we have an organization with anti-fascist orientation. We will obviously participate in all manifestations and demonstrations. We also are making political formations about classism, about anti-fascism, about self-defense. We’re also training for combat. But other social movements and organizations are doing a lot of stuff, a lot of meetings, and debates, just to be prepared for the worst. If they approve the laws, we have to go out in the streets and make a mess. It’s gonna be messy.
But also, there are a lot of organizations that can’t even work without the money of the state. There were a lot of parties or social organizations that distributed the money that the state gives to them. Now, when the state doesn’t give them more money, they can’t organize people. People say “There is no money, there’s nothing.” That’s a big problem. As you can see, 2-3 years ago, demonstrations and manifestations with 5,000 people, and if you count them, 300 wouldn’t even know why they were there. Other people would come to the manifestation because they’re part of the organization that promises them money. That’s a problem for a lot of organizations. Something had to happen because those organizations are only managing poverty. They are not giving benefits or not giving work, nothing. Just having a meeting with the Social Ministry, they say, “Well, we’ll give you 500 coupons, 500 jobs, or money,” and then they skim a third of that, and the rest of the money goes to people.
TFSR: It seems these other organizations are maybe not taking advantage of this moment to increase political education of what they’re doing. Maybe people are tagging along just because there’s a crowd. Is that what you are saying?
Nicolás: Yes, exactly.
TFSR: I wanted to ask you about La Cultura del Barrio, LCDB. You said anti-fascists are training. I’ve been in the space, I know a little bit, but I don’t think that most anti-fascists in the USA know about LCDB. Why don’t you talk a little bit about what is LCDB? What are the boxing classes you guys are doing in the gym and out in the barrio? What’s the importance of LCDB in this new state of anti-labor reform?
Nicolás: Okay. LCDB is an anti-fascist club. We have a big gym where we train boxing and Muay Thai. We have been working since 2011. As a space, we used to have many meetings, trainings, screenings, discussions, and gigs. We also use the space to help people get to know our organization, as anti-fascists. We also train combat sports to be prepared for clashes with police or fascists. But also we have classes on Marxism and anarchism, to not be just muscles and to not be only brain. We have to be a mix of all that.
In Buenos Aires, we are very well-known, because we have our documentary online that explains what we are and what we want. We also coordinate with a lot of organizations to teach them about self-defense, or organizations invite us to be the self-defense at some manifestations and demonstrations. We have relationships with clubs from different countries, but as an anti-fascist club and organization, we try to be involved in a lot of things.
For example, we have a project in which we give people boxing classes in poor neighborhoods in the southern part of the province. The south of Buenos Aires is a very poor place, and we train residents in boxing, we talk about politics, we try to be involved with the families. Also trying to work with different kinds of artistic manifestations. If they are against the new laws about job flexibility, etc, we know that the only way we can combat that is in the streets and organize with other organizations in the streets. But not only in the manifestation, because we have to talk with general people about politics, about how the new laws are gonna make us poorer than we are now. If you are a football supporter, you’re gonna lose your club. It’s gonna be a private company. Nowadays, it doesn’t happen in Argentina, the football clubs are managed by their supporters and associates. And there’s a lot of stuff like that with the new mega law.
TFSR: Your response led me to a related question. Has there been reactionary violence towards the manifestations against Milei from his supporters?
Nicolás: Not yet. We think that’s going to happen eventually. For example, at the last manifestation, a lot of Milei supporters were saying, “We’re gonna go to the street and we’re going to fight the leftists.” Not a single person appeared. Most of Milei’s supporters are social media supporters. They are trolls. They will say, “I will kill you if I see you in the street.” But you can’t see them in the street because they are not in the street. Maybe it’s gonna happen if the left-wing parties or organizations become more combative. Nowadays, they’re also mostly on social media, and most of the anti-Milei discourse is performances in TikTok. It’s bad. You are not gonna stop a law by singing on TikTok. Instead of talking about the bad things about Milei, they say “Milei is gonna do that,” and the people say, “Yeah, I want him to do that.” Instead of saying, “You’re going to be poorer than now. Your salary will be worse,” they are talking about other topics, but not important things. Not the economic things that are most important because it’s gonna affect all the people, not only the left, socialists, anarchists, but all of us as a class, as a working class. But the left parties here are not classist anymore. They talk about everything but not class. They’re talking about the forest fires in Australia. They were against a petrol oil company while we have no jobs. Mines give a lot of people their job and money, and they say, “We have to close that company, but we can’t support the people who lose their jobs.” It’s incompatible. If it closes, people will be fired. That’s how it works.
TFSR: It sounds like what you’re saying is that the left has lost the class analysis, and that that’s driving some of the working-class people to feel alienated from the left.
Nicolás: Yeah, they are more about “identity politics.” They are talking about that.
TFSR: I saw on social media that there was a bomb threat to LCDB during the strike. Did I read that correctly?
Nicolás: Yeah, they called the police and reported a bomb in the club the same day as our anti-fascist meeting there. We think it was done by a little kid calling the police, but the police came to the door, and the guys called a lawyer. They said we had to open the door. They entered with a bomb squad, looked around with a flashlight, found nothing, and they left.
TFSR: My last question for you. This will be niche because the nature of how football [soccer] is run in Argentina is very different than how it’s run in the United States. For example, football in the United States, all of the clubs are owned by big corporations, big CEOs with a lot of money, whereas traditionally in Argentina, as you said, the clubs are financially owned by the associates. It’s like the memberships of the clubs, the people who fill the stadiums and the terraces, they have ownership of the club in Argentina. How has Milei tried to change that? Because I understand this is very big in Argentina, but I don’t think most people in the USA will understand this.
Nicolás: The big law, DNU, has a section that would allow big companies to buy a football team. But also all other clubs, volleyball, basketball, handball, a lot of sports. Because the clubs here are like part of society. You grow in your club. You go as a kid, do a sport, meet your friends, you have dinner there or a dance in the club. It’s a part of your life. With the new law, they will allow big companies to buy teams. Lots of people are saying, “No, we are the owners of our club, our colors, our name.” The biggest team that joined the demonstrations, Boca Juniors, is the one best and biggest team in Argentina. They were the first who said “no, it can’t happen.” Because they have an identity. La Boca is their neighborhood. When you’re walking in the streets, it’s all painted on the club colors, blue and yellow.
People feel their club is like a friend. You stay with the club when it’s bad and when it’s good. Nowadays, a lot of clubs have financial problems. That’s a big problem here because they try to buy a player or have corrupt management who steal money or a lot of stuff like that, but no one will allow them to sell their club. It’s a part of your life and not in the way that you pay to go to a gym to do some sport and then go to your house and you’re not involved. The people here are involved, making the banners, etc. Some clubs have a human rights agenda. They talk about the supporters who died or disappeared in the last dictatorship, and they make memorials and they recognize the families. They do dances and a lot of stuff to finance the people who can’t pay for education or wherever.
They use their organizations… The big clubs here, like River or Boca, they have general schools. The people who train in the club, mostly in the football teams, can study there and train there because there are a lot of people that come from different states to play in Boca Juniors or River on Independiente, and they are allowed to sleep and to live there. They have pensions. But if they are privatized, if they give the clubs to the big corporations, it will be a problem because all of that will disappear because it’s not profitable. You can’t earn money for the social or human rights project in your club [if that happens]. If Red Bull buys Boca, it will be called Red Bull Boca.
It’s like they’re killing you. You can’t change the name of my club because all of the essence of the club is the name and colors and the neighborhood. And maybe they would move the stadium from La Boca to Porto Madero because you have more profits if you move the stadium. It’s gonna kill the football. The little part of the small football clubs that we have in Argentina, they will kill that.
TFSR: So football in Argentina is very much a part of people’s everyday lives in society. It’s not like he’s just opening up the finances for a sports team.
Nicolás: Football here is like a religion. If you ask people in the street, many will say that they are a friend, for example, but they are fanatics of a football team, and they live for the football team. They have tattoos, and they name their children to relate to the football team, after a player or whatever. And our greatest is Maradona. All the people that support football have to think “what would Maradona do” in this situation? Maradona would say “Go fuck yourself. You did nothing for the people.”
TFSR: Okay, Nico. That’s all the questions I have. This has been really excellent. Thank you so much. Is there anything else you want to touch on before I close out the interview?
Nicolás: Great. If you need anything else, sorry for my bad English, but I have to practice.
TFSR: No, this was great. I really appreciate it. Thank you so much. Great to see you. I’ll talk to you soon.
Nicolás: Bye-bye.