Category Archives: Police

Strengthening Resistance To DC Cop Surge Through Mutual Aid + Manufacturing Consent in Greece

ground-level photo of ATF with a dog, FBI in tactical gear in a park in Washington DC
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This week, we’re featuring an interview with Shannon, one half of the mutual aid project operating in Washington DC known as Remora House. For the hour we talk about Remora House, the impact on houseless and non-citizen communities has been impacted by the Trump Administration’s crack down and sending in of troops to DC and some ideas on strengthening the resistance as the feds and national guard are deployed into our neighborhoods to break up our communities and our resolve

Links from Shannon:

Links from Sima Lee:

Then you’ll hear Parias of Athens from the June 2025 episode of B(A)DNews podcast. It’s a chat with participants in a project called Research Critique about the distraction of the Greek public from media coverage of the deadly Tempi train disaster by a heavy dose of culture war discourse about lawlessness on University campuses and social decay. The rail accident was caused by negligence and understaffing under the neoliberal New Democracy regime, killing 57 and injuring nearly 200 and led to heated demonstrations for months more than a year to follow. You can hear the full interview by finding B(A)D News #92 on the website a-radio-network.org or in our shownotes.

Announcement

Update on T. Hoxha Hunger Strike

In a brief update to last week’s announcement of Casey Goonan’s solidarity hunger strike with T. Hoxha in the UK of the Filton24. Casey has ended their participation after 12 days, but as T. Hoxha continues, she has been joined by the anarchist prisoner we spoke to a few episodes ago, Malik Muhammad (currently held in the Oregon prison system). As of Sunday September 7th, Casey is on their 11th day of hunger strike and T. Hoxha is on her 28th against the conditions of her confinement. You can read more and find how you can offer support at https://calla.substack.com/p/international-hunger-strike-grows

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Featured Track:

  • March On la Migra by Guerrillaton from Made in Mexico

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Remora House Transcription:

TFSR: Would you mind sharing your name, pronouns, location and affiliation for the listeners?

Shannon: Sure. My name is Shannon. My pronouns are she/they. I live in Washington, DC, and I’m one of the founders and one half of the two person team that is Remora House.

TFSR: Cool. And could you tell us a bit about Remora house, how it started, what y’all do and who you work with?

Shannon: I so Remora house started in March of 2020 as did a lot of mutual aid groups in response to the outbreak of the Covid 19 pandemic. So the other half of Remora, my partner had been working with a particular unhoused community in the NoMa neighborhood of Washington, DC. When the pandemic started, we were greatly concerned about them. At first we we’re primarily focused on getting PPE. Mostly we were trying to find hand soap, hand sanitizer. Then we learned masks were important so I got a sewing machine and started making clothe masks. Then just as we learned more and more about the pandemic and what the response needed to be, we adapted from there. Through building relationships with the people that lived outside, through doing weekly supply distribution, sometimes a little bit more than that, we grew the supplies that we were providing folks as well. So we expanded to getting tents and sleeping bags, camping gear, other supplies that folks can’t always access at other service centers. Phone chargers and phone batteries and things along those lines. As we got to know folks, more and more, we could help meet specific needs.

People got comfortable asking us for things like backpacks for their kids when it was time to go back to school, or money for Halloween costumes for their kids, which we thought were really important ways to be connected with folks and let them also have joy in their life, and not just the immediate needs that they had. That’s been going for five years. We’ve just kind of grown and changed over the years. Were super relationship focused, so we’ve pivoted a lot to doing just direct cash support. On the first of every month, today when we’re recording, we send out $150 to 15 people that live in DC and who are either currently experiencing homelessness or are recently housed, and we do other things like eviction prevention support. We help pay off people’s utility debt to keep their lights on. And a lot of that is just based on relationships that we’ve built with folks that have lived outside over the years and with other organizations that work with people that live outside.

TFSR: That’s pretty crazy. That’s a lot of work for a team of two. How do you not burn out?

Shannon: It’s a lot. But, you know, we work. We fluctuated. We’ve had more folks helping out before, and we were able to do meals every week alongside our supply distribution. It’s a lot. We were both grad students, when we started, and so hopefully my advisor isn’t listening, but our primary work was doing this. Then we would, in the evenings, try and get around to our research and our writing. But, yeah, it’s a lot, but we have really great supports in the community. We collaborate a lot, so all of the response stuff that we’re doing in this moment is in collaboration with other organizations and individuals and comrades who are also equally dedicated to getting support out to our neighbors.

TFSR: I’m going to feel a little silly making this commentary, but I hope that maybe it’ll spark a response that someone wouldn’t have heard or wouldn’t think of. A lot of people have varying levels of experience around houselessness or being under threat of, or being personally houseless. Hearing examples of some of the support that you offer to folks, like help getting their kids Halloween costumes or helping with back to school supplies, I don’t know what most people think of when they think of houseless folks or people that are living in a situation where their housing is unstable, or maybe they’re living out of their vehicle, but I think the image that a lot of people have is of a young adult or an older adult, or maybe a couple living in that manner, and don’t necessarily think about kids, and don’t think about engaging in “normal activities” I guess. Could you comment on that?

Shannon: Yeah, that’s a really helpful question. It gets into something. The way that unhoused people are spoken about and portrayed is often incredibly dehumanizing and focuses on their poverty, their suffering, the extreme circumstances that they’re in. It disconnects them from the family, the community that they have. So when this occupation was announced to be a press conference, one of the things that the administration’s press secretary kept saying was, “we don’t know where these people are from. There’s people living in the nation’s capital streets, and we don’t know where they’re from.” We do know where they’re from. They’re from Shaw, they’re from the neighborhoods here in DC. They still have family here. We had friends that slept in a park that was right next to one of them. Their aunt still lived in those apartments, and he could go over there and see her and maybe have a hot meal sometimes when she was able to help. Another guy that slept in that park had grown up in those apartments. People still have strong family relationships here. The vast majority of people that are living outside in your city are probably from there too and being displaced by similar systems of gentrification and development that are pushing people out of their homes here in DC.

There’s people whose kids will come visit them at camp. Sometimes, these are strong communities, even the camp communities themselves. We have cookouts, we have celebrations, we have memorials when people pass away. It’s a very deeply personal and connected group of people. They still have ties to, you know, their kids that live maybe up right up out in Maryland or in Virginia or right down the street. So they still see them. They’ll still go to family events. They just sleep outside at night.

TFSR: Some people are, “defined” by institutions as being chronically homeless. This might be a definition that people apply to themselves and their experience as well. But it feels helpful to think about an opposition to the presentation that either nonprofit organizations or government institutions, whether they’re the police or politicians or maybe even care-based support nets or whatever, they kind of talk about homeless people as homeless being the primary activating thing. As if it’s a permanent status of that individual, as opposed to a state that a person is in at a time, that may be one that they experience for a very long time, but it doesn’t but it doesn’t necessarily define the person or their experience or their worth or whatever else. Instead, it says a lot about the society that is around them, and the way that we treat private property or class. Is that touching on something? Does that make sense?

Shannon: Yeah. So I know a lot of people that do primarily identify as homeless as a way to point to kind of the violence of the world and what it has done to them. I also know people who don’t feel that that’s like a really strongly defining aspect of their identity. It’s a stop along their path, and at the end of the day they’re an artist or a writer or aspiring to be a lawyer. I think the even the systems that unhoused people touch and getting support and the nonprofit industrial complex can also recreate some of that same kind of dehumanizing rhetoric. I don’t want to bash on outreach workers. I think they do incredible work, and I think a lot of them care really, really passionately about the people they’re trying to support. But there also might be one person with 70 folks that they’re trying to support. So the system itself creates a sense of people being numbers or products running through a mill, instead of actual human beings who need to be listened to and understood. By understanding their connections to their family and their community, they could be better supported. If people were given the time to be treated as whole human beings, we could, I think, better respond to people’s needs and better help them. So that’s why, when I say, we’re really relationship focused. The supplies that we hand out (especially when we make these pretty basic hygiene kits) it’s a way to start a conversation. Yes, it’s meeting a need that someone has, but it’s also a way for me to meet you and start to build trust and start to get to know who you are and what you actually need. Do you need colored pencils? Do you want yarn because you love to crochet? And meeting those other needs that someone has that aren’t just basic survival needs, I think speaks to the whole humanness of people. I hope that it has helped people feel more connected and supported also.

TFSR: Yeah, that makes a lot of sense. And thanks for responding to those off the cuff questions that I didn’t script out. So you mentioned the occupation. How have you seen the Trump administration’s deployment of national guards and the sending of troops from other states impacting your life as a resident of DC, as well as the work of Remora House and communities in DC. This could be a different question but does this feel like a shift, or how is it different from how MPD (or whatever the various law enforcement agencies that operate in the District of Columbia) interact with you and the communities you participate in?

Shannon: Yeah, the day to day impacts of the occupation, are really different depending on who you are and what you look like. I’m a white woman, so I do not feel the same immediate fear and risk of criminalization that a lot of my neighbors and community members do. Just to speak to what I’m seeing on the ground, every time you leave your house (I live in a less affluent area. I am not of the majority color in my area) there’s a solid chance you’re going to see someone being arrested. I was just grabbing one other day, exhausted and going through a drive through line. We have a lot of delivery drivers that ride mopeds and scooters here in DC, and they’re predominantly from our migrant community, and are predominantly people that were sent to DC from Texas by Governor Abbott’s political stunt, starting in 2022. We’ve had a large and growing migrant community here, and a lot of them have turned to delivery work as a means of generating income for themselves.

I was just sitting in my car, in my drive through with my dog, about to go for a walk, and a delivery driver, still with his helmet on from his moped, came sprinting past my car. Right behind him were two ICE agents. I have never seen that. That does not happen here, but this was just right over the line in DC, and thankfully, one of the ICE agents absolutely ate S*#t on a median in the middle of the road. So the guy definitely got away safely. I watched the two of them come back and they thought they were just going to go in and pick up their lunch, and everyone inside the restaurant was just screaming at them. That is so out of the norm. DC is a sanctuary city. We do not cooperate with ICE. There are protections in place for our migrant community that mean they don’t have to constantly live in fear of trying to go about their day and an ICE agent just picking them up. That’s a huge shift. Another is, coming home from work one day and seeing two border patrol cars parked in a neighborhood that I knew had a lot of migrant community members in it. I’m just trying to get home from work, and this is what a lot of people in DC are doing right now. I just pulled over and watched and waited. Are they going to try and raid this house? Are they waiting for someone? Is this a targeted arrest or what’s going to happen? I spent 15, 20 minutes of my day sitting there watching and waiting for them to leave. They finally did. I followed them for a bit until we got gas and went about my day. But that’s it’s constant. It’s everywhere now, in a way that the DC community has not had to have the same level of constant acute awareness of needing to do ICE watch. Just the constant presence of it everywhere is really exhausting. People trying to just go to regular places that you go out to- the bars, U Street- there’s just patrols of a group of like 14 officers from MPD, FBI, ATF, DEA, you name it, just walking in massive clumps up and down the streets, up and down 14th Street, up and down H Street. It is a show of force to go to heavily populated areas where generally our black community is out trying to have fun and be out at night, and there’s just this massive over display of force and violence everywhere you turn. That doesn’t even mention the National Guard that we now have stationed at most of our metro stops in DC at this point. Driving to work you see them. The National Guard, for some reason, is putting out mulch at the local park. The visuals of it being constant everywhere is just exhausting and terrifying. And again that’s for me as someone who is not in a targeted group right now. I mean, I think the city of DC is squarely in the cross hairs, but I’m not facing the same threat of criminalization as a lot of my community members are, and I’m exhausted by it.

TFSR: Yeah, you’ve mentioned the increase in people being chased down for racial profiling, and based on the neighborhood that they’re in, the assumption that they might not have documentation or might not have citizenship. Have you seen corresponding increases with all the law enforcement in the area of sweeps of houseless camps or parks or what have you, also?

Shannon: Yes. The targeting of our unhoused neighbors was one of the first things that happened. For context, here in DC, we used to have an encampment engagement protocol, which required a two weeks notice if a camp was going to be cleared. This is on city property so this applies to almost none of our green space. All of our green space is federal. If you are on federal property, there is no protocol in place. You will just be cleared and you will be cleared by parks police, who are notoriously brutal. Anyone that has lived outside will tell you the parks police are brutal. Anyone that has tried to have a spicy protest in DC will tell you parks police are brutal. But on city property there’s an encampment protocol. You get two weeks notice and often, and this is before 2020, camps would be allowed to then be cleared. So they would move all of their items. The city would come in, remove anything left behind, abandoned tents, garbage, whatever. If you’re on a sidewalk, they might come power wash it, and then you could move back as of 2020, that started to drop off, and instead of being allowed to return to their camp, they were permanently evicted from that space, and often then that space was closed off, either with fences or (with the camps that Remora house started working with in 2020) there are these massive arrays of jersey barriers blocking off a sidewalk to ironically, create a pedestrian passageway. That has largely been dwindling since 2020.

There had already been an escalated attack on unhoused spaces and our unhoused neighbors, happening from the city of Washington, DC, and then when Trump came into office, he, within a couple of months, identified this one camp that was near the White House, saying it needed to get cleared out. It was outside of the State Department, and he posted about it on Truth Social. Within 24 hours, the city cleared it. They still publicly claim that those were unrelated, but that camp was not slated to be cleared, that camp did not get notice they were being cleared, and it was cleared within 24 hours of Trump complaining about it. Then, with this announce of escalation, with the federal police coming in, he similarly took photos of some of the camps that are along his route to the Kennedy Center, which he has developed an obsession with, that we can maybe talk about. He posted photos of those camps on true social and the city came and cleared them. So things have escalated in a trend of already escalating. All that to say there was already not a ton of encampments in DC. There’s this idea that he’s putting out, that there’s just a camp in every park, there’s tents on every sidewalk, and there just really isn’t. That’s just not the case. There were very few camps to begin with. Those were cleared early by the city, then some of the last camp standing that were near the White House. MPD and for some reason the FBI, came on a Thursday night and threatened to clear them, even though they’d been scheduled to be cleared the following week by the city, per the protocol that we supposedly still have. I think the presence of community members there that night when they came to clear the camp (again, this is the police. The MPD does not clear encampments in DC. I have never seen that. I don’t know anyone that’s done unhoused support in DC that’s ever seen MPD, touch anyone’s belongings to clear them. They do not do that because we have an encampment protocol, and the city does adhere to it, kind of. But this night, it was MPD, it was FBI) was able to staved it off for the night. I think they were convinced it’s going to be too much trouble for you. They left, but then they came back 9am the next morning. It was MPD with FBI. The public statement is that the FBI was the security for MPD, as MPD dragged people’s tents with absolutely no notice. If they were not there, then their stuff just went into the back of a dump truck. I have a lot of issues with the city. I don’t think any of these engagements should happen at all, but they would at least figure out who was there. Are they coming back? Why aren’t they here yet? Do they know? Did they decide to abandon this tent and they’ll give people time to pack up and move. This was “we’re grabbing your tent. You can grab whatever you can grab from it as fast as you can, and then it’s gone. And whatever you didn’t get, whether it’s your medications, whether it’s your ID, your birth certificate, your medical records, your family photos, it’s now gone.” So that was an extreme escalation in terms of encampment engagements. That does not happen, even when it is more immediate, even when there isn’t notice. It’s still a multi-hour process, to let people pack, let them talk to their caseworker, try and make sure they’re connected, figure out if they’re going to put stuff in storage, right? This was a camp of nine people. It was cleared in 30 minutes, and then they rolled down the street to another, and that was done in 20 minutes. Then they rolled down the street to another, and that was done in 20 minutes. So that is an escalation unlike anything we have seen. But since then, they’ve essentially hit all the camps again, because there weren’t many to begin with. The other terrifying piece of the targeting of our unhoused neighbors was the threat of escalation of involuntary commitments, or it’s called an FD-12. I don’t know if that’s a universal term. That’s what we call it here in DC.

We were getting these like warnings from the city and from parks police (who is the other counterpart that has predominantly dealt with unhoused neighbors in DC) that anyone that was sleeping outside, not just in a tent, but if you’re sleeping on a bench, if you’re sleeping on church steps, you can either go to shelter or you can go to jail. This is what we were being told in the early days of the occupation to the level that local hospitals were sent out a notice to prepare for an increase in FD-12. This extends to hospitals out in Virginia that were being told “you’ll need to prepare your staff for an increase in involuntary commitments of unhoused people.” That didn’t happen, as far as we know. As far as we’ve heard through our network of folks, both more official and less official and our unhoused neighbors, neither of those things has really been carried through with. Still, when I see someone out sleeping on a bench, there’s still this question. That threat is still hanging over everyone. “Okay, well, is tonight the night that they decide they’re going to start this shelter or jail policy?” You know? We just don’t know. There used to be this separation of federal and city property. We would always tell people try and sleep on city property, because you’ll get a two weeks notice. If you sleep on federal property there are no protections. Parks police will F%$# you up. Everyone knows that. There used to be this kind of landscape that we could navigate, but now, with a complete federal takeover where MPD has been partnered up with different federal units and are just escorting them around the city, there’s no separation between federal and city property anymore. There’s nowhere that’s safe or a safer bet to sleep anymore. So that’s kind of where we’re at now. The biggest impact is people are going underground. This is what we’ve been telling them. This is what the nonprofit outreach organizations are telling people. You have to go hide. The impact of that is, yes, they are hopefully somewhere that is not visible, that they’re sleeping, that they will be left alone. But what that means is I can’t find them. Outreach workers can’t find them. Their caseworkers can’t find them if they don’t have a phone, or if they don’t have access to a phone charger, or somewhere they can go to charge their phone. They have now lost contact with all of their support systems and resources.

This is what was already happening with the escalation of encampment evictions, of pushing people out of parks and into more unsafe places, pushing people into highway underpasses, pushing people into on-ramps. Literally, one of the big camps that was cleared is on the side of an onramp for a highway. So it was already dangerous. It was already hard to keep people connected, and unless it is people that were already able and comfortable, for a number of reasons, to go seek out services themselves, anyone that doesn’t fit that category, who is disabled and not able to get across town to a place that has showers and dinners or is queer and don’t feel comfortable always going into shelter systems, etc, etc. They have pets, they have partners, they have whatever reasons why they already weren’t going to access services. Now those people, I can’t even go out and find where their camp is and try to connect with them where they’re at. So yes, the kind of direct, targeted attack of unhoused spaces has paused, but the general terror aspect of it remains and is still harming people who now probably not getting as much food as they once were, are losing contact with caseworkers, and therefore maybe falling behind or falling out of their housing process. All of those ripple effects that happen from people just not being able to stay connected to support.

TFSR: So I’ve heard on Democracy Now, who’s done more work looking into the numbers, they’ve said over and over again that crime rates have declined monstrously in the last few years in DC. So the argument that, for instance, when Asheville says that we’re going to ramp up our harassment of homeless populations or people that are panhandling or whatever, they cook the numbers afterwards to justify that. Like “There’s been an increase in violent crime in this neighborhood and it’s attributable to homeless people.” Numbers don’t pan out, but they try to find a reason. Our society is classist and racist, so it’s pretty easy to put it on to people that you know are the boogeyman in our society. In a lot of cases, houseless folks who make people scared that they’re going to be in that position. But as I understand this increase in policing and beefing up of policing and use of federal, not only nationalized National Guards, but also employees of these federal level policing agencies or investigative agencies like DEA, border patrol, FBI, it’s not responding to an increased amount of violent crime, right? Can you talk about the motivations behind this? You mentioned that it’s a sanctuary city.

Shannon: I’ve seen a lot of conversations about “what is the motivation here?” I think there’s one big one, and I think there’s a lot of others, all in this mixing pot of horror. Like you’re saying, DC is a very complicated place politically. My greatest theory is, he’s doing it here because he can. He tried this in LA, and it didn’t work, but DC… for some context about our politics and our representation- we do not have direct representation in Congress. We have shadow representatives that can propose a bill or speak on something. They do not have any actual power. They can’t hold any kind of official seats within Congress. They can’t vote or anything like that. So we have no congressional representation, but we do have home rule, which we got in 1973. We then could have a mayor and a city council, but any local laws that are passed have to be approved by Congress, where, again, we don’t have any representation. So there has already been this congressional attack on DC and our laws, especially focusing on laws that protect, support, uplift our migrant neighbors. For example, the law we passed to allow non-citizens to vote in our local elections, there’s already this just very complicated and disenfranchising political system that we have here. I am an anarchist. I do not believe in representational politics. I think it’s a trap. I think it does not actually solve the issues that we have, etc, etc, etc, but it does have some impacts here of we can’t pass our own laws. We’re a city of 700,000 people who don’t have ultimate control. A congress person from Utah has more say over what our laws here in DC are than we do.

When we’re looking at what are Trump’s goals and motivations, I think that he hates DC. DC is a very black city, and as much as he says it’s not beautiful, it really is, just in ways that don’t fit his white supremacist metrics. It’s a very democratic city, to the extent that when they’re tallying up the Electoral College votes for president with 0% reporting last year, they called DC for HARRIS. They didn’t even need to look. We know how it’s going to go here. So I think those are motivations. We put him in a bunker in 2020 and he’s still upset about that. There’s a lot of those things also at play, but I think what he wanted was authoritarian control over a city that he could then use federal forces to come and round up migrants.

We talked about the impact on our unhoused neighbors that very much fit in with his kind of “beautify the city, Make America Beautiful Again” goals. Then there’s also this other extremely racist, anti-immigrant piece that is at the core of his politics and at the core of his bases politics. So what the main impact? I’ve lost track of time. It feels like it’s been years, but I guess we’re three weeks in, maybe four at this point. The longest, sustained, ongoing violence that’s happening in DC is against our migrant neighbors. As a sanctuary city, ICE couldn’t just come in and take people. But now, I don’t know the exact numbers, but just anecdotally, 10 plus people a day, likely are being kidnapped. He’s very much accomplishing that. That that was his goal, right? A mass deportation.

There are political, legal loopholes in DC that he could exploit in order to do it here. So yes, all these other things about DC, but I think that at the end of the day, he’s here doing it because he can, because we don’t have a governor, because we don’t have these other systems that State governance gives, at least purportedly, some autonomy from the federal government. So it was just easier to do it here than it is in Philly, Chicago. He wants to do it there, if the legal loopholes or if the door is opened. He was just saying about Chicago “well, the governor of Illinois hasn’t asked so I don’t know.” That’s why he’s here. He didn’t have to ask anyone. He used the assault on Big Balls by a few teenagers to justify what he’s calling an emergency, in order to activate these loopholes that let him do all of this. Does that answer your question?

TFSR: I think so, yeah. And Big Balls being a contractor of DOGE, right? I don’t believe it’s their legal name.

Shannon: It’s not. I refuse to remember his legal name but yeah, he’s a contractor with DOGE. I’m not sure exactly what department he’s currently, “working in”, but yeah, he was assaulted by a few unarmed teenagers who, again, were immediately arrested. It was used as this justification for what he’s doing now. He needed a catalyst to declare the emergency.

TFSR: Yeah, but I mean, clearly he’s going to use whatever catalyst he can employ, right? And I’m sure that Big Balls wasn’t asking for it. So this has been super helpful in understanding what’s going on. I really appreciate this. You mentioned Los Angeles, where they’ve already sent federal troops, where it sounds like there’s threats of redeploying, and he’s also been and you also mentioned, talking about other cities like Baltimore, Chicago, Oakland, New York City, Philly, places that have large democratic populations and also have large populations of people of color, to be targets for the next sort of invasion like this. So maybe it makes sense to think that he is pulled back from one where he was getting blocked, and now he’s trying to develop tool sets that he might try to apply into other cities. I think it’s notable for us as people that would be resisting this sort of thing, that we are also iterating through this and figuring out things that work to resist. And while DC does have these differences around representation, around governors, I wonder if you have any examples of lessons over the last three or four weeks, of methods of resisting that you’ve seen that are interesting, that might be helpful to folks that are in cities that are going to see the next round of this sort of occupation.

Shannon: As an anarchist and antifascist, I always have my belief within me that no one is coming to save us. It’s on us to take care of each other and to fight back against this. So while there are maybe some politicians out there that are trying to block what’s happening, the way that our local government is responding, is to talk about how we need more police, that, “Oh yes, we do have a crime problem. We need more police.” Our mayor’s saying it, or council people are saying it. It’s because they are politically in alignment with his goals of criminalizing people, of expanding the prison industrial complex, etc, etc. Using that as a tool to maintain capitalism, maintain business interests, etc. With that out of the way, people here are doing amazing things. I’ve talked about how people are scared and it is terrifying, but we’re also really pissed off, and we’re really pissed off at our local government too. People are just mobilizing and doing the things that need to be done to keep each other safe. I think about resistance in this moment. There’s kind of three main communities that are being targeted by police right now, federal, local, etc. It’s our unhoused neighbors, it’s our young people and our migrant community. Across the city, there’s amazing community defense projects that are happening to support each of those groups of people that are really at the most risk right now.

In supporting our young people, we were already dealing with a local government that was criminalizing our young people, our black young people here in DC by instituting a citywide youth curfew at 11pm and establishing these targeted youth curfew zones where the curfew started at 8pm for people under 18. That was already something that youth organizers and people that support our youth in the city were pushing back against. But now, instead of just MPD at the metro station where a young person might be trying to get home from their friend’s house, we have the National Guard, we have DEA, we have ATF, we have FBI, we have ICE, HSI. You name it, they’re there. They are also apprehending our young people. So there’s people have set up like metro station patrols to keep an eye, to advocate if a young person is there. A big thing that we’ve heard is you can get exemptions to be out past the curfew, but they’re often not respected by police when young people are being stopped. So people are setting up patrols and metro station watches. If a young person is being bothered by NPD, they’ll go and help advocate for them and say, “No, they’ve got this paperwork, you need to abide by the rule and let them go” and doing other kind of community defense projects like that.

Folks have set up drop in spaces for young people so they can have a third space that’s safe away from the police. One of the absolute most impactful things that has been done is Know Your Rights trainings for young people. There are so many videos coming out around the city of people asserting their rights, saying the lines that we learn in Know Your Rights trainings, to shut things down, move them along. And it’s working. There are a lot of videos of people going through these Know Your Rights trainings, and the next day, they get approached when they’re just trying to play basketball, and they’re like “am I free to go? Am I free to go?” And the cops are giving up and leaving. So really basic stuff is really powerful and actually making a really big impact now.

Then for our unhoused community, we’re showing up to encampment evictions if they’re happening, as fast as we can. There’s groups here in DC, Food Not Bombs, Ward2 Mutual Aid, People For Fairness Coalition, are getting people up in hotels if their camp has been cleared. We’re really trying to pivot on supplies. People are having to be more mobile now, so we’re trying to address that with getting them carts and different kinds of chairs that they can sleep in. People are afraid to set up a tent. They think they’ll just lose everything or get cleared immediately. We’ve also made a Know Your Rights guide, because there’s this demand that everyone go to shelter. A lot of unhoused people in DC can’t even tell you where a shelter is, much less get themselves there. Then the most outstanding work that has happened has been around our migrant solidarity and the way that everyone in the city is showing up to support that. Everyone, like people unaffiliated with organizations, are just going out and looking for cops and filming them. They are filming arrests and sending it out. We’re getting videos of it, and we’re getting it along to people that can actually follow up, and find that person and support them. So everyone in the city is on high alert and looking for one another, and we have a system in place with Migrant Solidarity Mutual Aid, who has a hotline. We’ve already got robust networks of mutual aid work going on that people now are able to either send information to or tap into.

Migrant Solidarity Mutual Aid Network has been just incredible. They run a hotline. They do rapid response for arrests. They’re reporting online whenever there is a checkpoint. We’ve had checkpoints every night, pretty much from 6 to 8pm, at least one place in the city. They’re getting those warnings up online. They’re getting eye sighting warnings up online. They’re connecting families to legal support when their family members are detained. They’re providing material support for those families. They’re bringing them dinner. They’re providing them emotional support. There are so many ways to show up for people right now and keep them safe and building those networks of support now, before this happens, or finding them and supporting them, now, before it happens in your city, is going to make your ability to respond in the moment, so much more impactful. If we had just as a city, start from the ground up with a hotline in the middle of this… I mean Migrant Solidarity received over 1,600 calls to their hotline and hundreds and hundreds of texts in the three weeks since the occupation started. In the two weeks before the occupation started, they’d only received 181 calls. That’s a massively exponential growth in hotline calls and texts that they’re trying to process and then match people to resources to support them. My biggest advice for everyone right now. There probably is mutual aid work already happening to support your migrant neighbors, support the young people in your city, support your unhoused folks like those. There are people already probably there doing the work, and you should go find them and support them and learn from them. And also go get to work, because this mutual aid work is always needed, but in a moment of crisis, it can be life saving.

TFSR: And just to note that we had hoped to have Migrant Solidarity Mutual Aid on the in this conversation, but they they’re so busy that they weren’t able to.

Shannon: Yeah, they’re really swamped. I can’t speak highly enough about the work that they’re doing, and I don’t know. I hope I did some justice in representing what they’re up to.

TFSR: We can definitely put links to their social media and their website and such, so if people feel like making a donation or getting in touch to learn some of the models that they’re operating off of, to be able to reproduce them where they’re at. That would be super good. Yeah, I think that one of the lessons to take from this sort of thing, not being where you’re at, not knowing the lessons that you’ve got, but with you talking about how one way to prepare for this is to start getting involved in mutual aid right now. One of the ways that this nightmare is escalating and has always been more horrific for some people than it has been for other people, but it’s this one encapsulating nightmare that all of us, to some degree, participate in and kind of hope to keep our heads down and just do our thing and go home and play video games and then go back to work the next day. I think that what we’re seeing right now is a ramped up version of the terror of living under capitalist, white supremacist, christo-fascist America. That point that you’re making of go out do mutual aid, get to know your neighbors, whenever any of these occupations get stepped up like this, it seems like the strongest communities to respond are the ones that are harder to break into differing groups with competing interests, or just hoping that the baton will hit next to them at that other community and not hit them. It’s kind of a weird way of saying it, but you know it rings back to the whole “they came for the Jews and I said nothing because I wasn’t a Jew” or the communists, I guess was the first one listed. But yeah, I think that that was really well put by you. I really appreciate that. Besides MSMA (which is really cool name when you say it out loud, I’m like okay, “same” in Spanish. Cool) are there any other projects that you feel like shouting out that are doing good work that that people might pay attention to or maybe paying or offer some support too?

Shannon: So the two, especially for supporting the young folks in DC, are Critical Exposure and Black Swan Academy. They’ve been doing Know Your Rights trainings with young people and they’re the ones that are hosting the drop-in space and feeding people. They’re doing really incredible work. For unhoused neighbor support, it’s primarily us, FTP Mutual Aid, Food Not Bombs. Ward2 Mutual Aid, and I can text you these. Then for the migrant support, Migrant Solidarity Mutual Aid is kind of the hub. There’s other orgs that are associated with and plugged into this broader network that is MSMA, but they’re really the main ones that are currently doing that. Just to comment on what you just said, me and my partner were just talking the other day about how the response in DC right now is so smooth. There’s no conflict. Like everyone is just putting down their head and getting to work and also supporting each other in all sorts of ways. We primarily do work with unhoused folks, but we’re also soliciting reports for ICE to try and take off some of the work from MSMA. Then I can direct through the noise, if I see something that’s super urgent. Or we’re going and volunteering at the Know Your Rights training. Or the young people are showing up and making demands to support our unhoused neighbors right now, right? Everyone is showing up for everyone and all of these kinds of networks that have largely, but not entirely, operated in their own kind of organizing bubbles are all leaning on and supporting one another right now. I told my partner, I was like, “yeah, it’s because the whole city is under attack.” It’s not this kind of isolated event of big encampment eviction campaigns that we’ve dealt with before, where it felt like you were having to shake people to get them to understand how serious this is. When the whole city is under attack and everyone is feeling it in their corner of organizing work, everyone is showing up, everyone is on high alert and making sure “do you have enough people to spoon out the tacos at your Know Your Rights training? Do you have posters at your rally?” Everyone is just in lockstep right now, and it’s building on a lot of work over years of learning hard lessons, learning how to make all of this work, but then also learning that we do it best when we’re all working in tandem. This moment’s really horrifying, but that aspect of it has been really hopeful for me. Like “Oh, right. When s^&t hits the fan, we all have each other’s back, and we can keep each other safe through that.

TFSR: That’s making me think a lot of having this common enemy or common purpose among people. It creates beautiful alliances, and sometimes they dissipate when the terrain shifts, or when the enemy moves on. But in a similar way that people around here talk about the reaction, initially and over the following weeks and months, to hurricane Helene, when it hit here. Would you normally go over to that church and offer to help with distributing food? Well, they kind of suck, but also, they’re doing this thing. What about the people down the street that you usually wouldn’t get along with, or you’ve got a political faction deal competition with someone else down the road, the progressive Democrats or whatever. Everyone can hopefully put some of that stuff aside to get the important work done, and then maybe that’ll build stronger connections and more trust for the harder fights moving forward.

Shannon: Yeah, I think it opens doors for conversations. Like we’ve been helping organize a community defense of a particular kind of food distribution program here in the city. Another thing that the terror campaign is targeting churches. They’re targeting soup kitchens. They’re targeting the places that they know people most desperately in need are going to be going to, to round them up and kidnap them. But we’ve been organizing a community defense for one of them, because this executive director of this nonprofit has no idea how to deal with ICE showing up at his door. So they called the anarchists, and we were like, “Yeah, we’ve got you. We’re gonna organize some patrols, and this is what we’ll do, and this is how we’re gonna report and keep people safe and what we’ll do in an emergency.” At one point in the chat he said “Oh, yeah, MPD showed up and they were super helpful.” And we were all like, “No. No. We’re gonna keep supporting you, but this is a learning opportunity for you to see the people that are showing up to do this, on the ground, we will confront the police if we need to work, to keep the people that your organization is serving safe. We’re gonna remind you that MPD is over at the metro stop in Navy Yard, terrorizing black youth. So it creates very unusual alliances like you were saying, that I do think open opportunities, hopefully for people to learn from a different perspective. Okay, I can get it. You thought that MPD solved your problem right then, but hopefully I can help you understand the broader picture that the issue with policing is not, “oh, I had one good interaction this one time, and that means all this other stuff is incorrect.” Maybe listen to the gaggle of anarchists that have shown up to do on the ground, community defense for your people, when we kind of check you a little bit, on your very quick praise of the Metropolitan Police Department. So it’s been a very weird few weeks, but there have been a lot of interesting experiments that I hope some new relationships can come out of.

TFSR: Well, Shannon, thanks a lot for the chat. Is there anything that I didn’t ask about that you want to mention or discuss at this point?

Shannon: Not that I can think of. Would just love if y’all could plug some of the groups that are here and just reiterate the point that we’re two people and a dog, and we put out a lot of information on social media. We’ve spoken to other media outlets but it is not just us. There’s a really huge network of people supporting one another right now and showing up for one another. I just want to be sure to also show some love and recognition to the other people, like MSMA which we’ve already talked about, but also Feed The People Mutual Aid, FTP, and all the other groups in DC that are just working their asses off right now and then going to their full time jobs to make sure that folks are safe. We’ve got a marathon ahead of us so as much support and love as people can send our way is appreciated.

TFSR: I reached out to Sima Lee, who had a show on the Channel Zero Network, who’s a hip hop artist who lived in DC for a long time (for the audience.) Do you mind if I mentioned a couple of the groups that they had suggested reaching out to?

Shannon: Oh, please do. I love Sima Lee so any of their suggestions are most welcome.

TFSR: They had mentioned the 411 Collective, PACA, and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement DC, as well as the Peace House DC and the DC Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression as projects that that were worth following up with too.

Shannon: Yeah, that’s great. They’re not folks were connected to but I have a ton of respect for the work that they do.

TFSR: Well, thanks a lot. Where can people find out more about Remora House, follow you, support, all that stuff?

Shannon: You can find us @RemoraHouse_DC, on the app formerly known as Twitter, for now, Instagram and Bluesky. That’s the best way to find us and keep up with what we’re up to. If you want to throw some dollars, you can find all those links also in our bios on there.

TFSR: Cool. Thank you so much for the work that you’re doing and also for having this conversation, taking the time out of a busy day. I appreciate it.

Shannon: Of course. Thanks for having us.

International Solidarity and the 2025 Week of Solidarity With Anarchist Prisoners

poster of the "International Week of Solidarity With Anarchist Prisoners, August 23-30 2025 | https://Solidarity.International" featuring a prison being attacked by a grandmother with a molotov, a goose, a goat with a hammer, a dog, a cat toppling towers, drones and people dropping banners and leaning out the windows + "International Prisoner Solidarity, Red Help in Germany, art and organizing in so-called Chile + Sean Swain on Conspiracy Thought"
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This week, we’re sharing three segments. First up, you’ll hear Yara speaking about Solidarity International, a new initiative to support prisoner support and anti-repression work beyond borders initiated by various anarchist and anti-authoritarian groups networked together, including the International Anarchist Defence Fund and various anarchist black cross groups across the world. Yara’s voice has been re-recorded for anonymity. [ 00:02:19 – 00:29:02 ]

We’re releasing this in the run up to the 2025 Week of Solidarity With Anarchist Prisoners (or WOSWOP), August 23-30th, in which people are invited to gather, connect and take action against borders and against prison walls. You can find more about Solidarity International at their website, Solidarity.International, find them on their mastodon, bluesky, telegram or instagram accounts, and see the 2025 WOSWOP call for solidarity on that site or linked in our show notes. We read the statement here as well. [ 00:29:21 – 00:32:37 ]

Then, you’ll hear 2 segments from recent episodes of B(A)D News, a monthly podcast in English from the international A-Radio Network. More audios like these, plus archives, can be found at A-Radio-Network.Org

  • The first of these is from the Anarchist Assembly of Biobío near so-called Concepción, Chile from the June 2025 episode of B(A)D News, featuring a chat with the art collective Mesa 8, where they discussed memory, art, and the military dictatorship that began in 1973. [ 00:33:18 – 00:38:23 ]
  • Following this, Ausbruch from Freiburg in the German territory spoke with the Red Aid, “der Rote Hilfe” about their work and current challenges from it’s founding over 100 years ago by the German Communist Party (KPD) into it’s current iteration. This segment can be found in our July 2025 episode of B(A)D News. [ 00:39:12 – 00:53:34 ]

Finally, you’ll hear a segment from Sean Swain… [ 00:53:36 – 01:01:50 ]

Some Materials Related To Mentioned Cases:

  • Roman Shvedov, fallen comrade
  • Antifa OST & Budapest Complex including Maya who just ended a hungerstrike (TFSR ep)
  • Moscow ABC and Solidarity Zone supporting Russian dissidents
  • Marianna, Dmitra plus their fallen comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris, of the so-called Ampelokipoi case in Athens (TFSR ep)
  • Women Prisoners of Iran facing death: Sharifeh Mohammadi, Pakhshan Azizi, Verisheh Moradi and Nassim Simiyari
  • Stop Cop City 61 RICO defendants

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Featured Track:

  • Vitamin C by Can from Ege Bamyasi

Continue reading International Solidarity and the 2025 Week of Solidarity With Anarchist Prisoners

Rapid Responses To Immigration Raids + Homeless Sweeps in So Cal

"TFSR 6-22-25 | Rapid Responses to Immigration Raids + Homeless Sweeps in So Cal" featuring a photo of two masked youth with signs reading "ICE out of Fontana" and "Fuck ICE"
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This week on the show we feature an interview with two anarchists activists in southern California about the recent resistance to Federal-led immigration raids in Los Angeles and the wider region. Both guests speak about their experiences working in rapid response structures to immigration raids, to anti-homeless sweeps and other community needs over the years and how they’ve changed as conditions and technologies have changed. We talk about inviting and engaging new activists and some strategies that showed success.

Some great writings from the streets can be found at Ediciones Ineditas: https://ineditas.noblogs.org/post/2025/06/18/fuck-i-c-e-city-wide-los-angeles-goes-up/

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Featured Track:

  • Bella Ciao by La Plebe from Brazo En Brazo

Continue reading Rapid Responses To Immigration Raids + Homeless Sweeps in So Cal

Mo on Knowing Your Rights and Risks With Police

know your rights, law, police, warrant, courts, federal grand jury, search, legal, nlg
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This week we spoke with Moira Meltzer-Cohen, an anarchist and lawyer with the National Lawyers Guild who practices mostly in New York City. For the hour, Mo talks about knowing ones rights and risks during interactions with law enforcement in the US during Trump 2.0, why even scofflaws should know some basic Bill of Rights trivia, info on warrants and house visits, airports and borders, and the importance of face-to-face practice with local lawyers who know the legal precedents on the ground in your jurisdiction.

Links

Announcements

June 11th, 2025

Asheville

Image by @turned_worm_studios (on Instagram )of a burning prison with dancing ground hogs carrying various implements and tools and a black flag + We’re a week and a half out from the annual June 11th Day of Solidarity with Long Term Anarchist Prisoners. If you’re in the Asheville area, Wednesday, June 11, 2025 at The Odd (1045 Haywood Rd near Firestorm in West AVL) . $10 door, opens at 7pm, music at 8pm

Featuring XOR, Lo Wolf, Run Over By A Horse and Blake Hornsby with lots of free lit and prizes available including books, stickers, clothing, jewelry and more.

Elsewhere

If you’re elsewhere, you can check out announced local events in your area by checking out the social media accounts for June11.Noblogs.Org, particularly their mastodon account on @june11@kolektiva.social

Fire Ant Movement call to action

Finally, the Fire Ant Movement released the following statement concerning June 11, 2025:

“Fire ant movement defense, an organization that works to gather mass opposition to the political prosecutions of the stop cop city movement in atlanta, is calling for a “movement defense day of action” on June 11 to support stop cop city defendants and long term anarchist political prisoners. Their statement reads: This year, June 11th arrives amid growing repression: Pro-palestine protesters are facing indefinite detention in ice facilities, and in Georgia, the state continues its aggressive persecution of the stop cop city movement, with 61 activists currently facing RICO charges.

In response, we call for a united front, to link the defense of the stop cop city struggle with the june 11th tradition of solidarity with long-term anarchist political prisoners.
We invite people to learn about Marius Mason and other long-term anarchist prisoners, host public events, drop banners, throw fundraisers, and take action to defend our movements for total liberation.”

Fire ant movement defense says that this will be the first of many movement defense days of action, drawing connections and lines of solidarity between movements fighting for liberation. You can find more information at fireantmovement.org and follow them on instagram, twitter or bluesky.”

They also wanted to point people to learn more at supportmariusmason.org and weelauneethefree.org

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Featured Track:

  • Know Your Rights by The Clash from Combat Rock

Continue reading Mo on Knowing Your Rights and Risks With Police

Pushing Back On Flock Cameras with Kate Bertash

Flock camera on a light pole with a solar panel, "TFSR 4-13-25 | Pushing Back On Flock Cameras with Kate Bertash"
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Kate Bertash of the Digital Defense Fund to talk about Flock cameras, automatic license plate readers, the ubiquity of ai-driven surveillance, databasing and storage of real-time info of people and vehicle movements in public and privacy fears being raised. Katie also speaks about organizing with her village-mates to counter or limit them and artful approaches towards resistance with her Adversarial Apparel project.

Good Links:

Articles on the subject:

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Featured Tracks:

  • Somebody’s Watching Me (Instrumental) by Rockwell

. … . ..

Transcription

Kate Bertash: My name is Kate Bertash, pronouns are she and her. I am the Executive Director of the Digital Defense Fund and creator of another project called Adversarial Fashion, which I’m sure we’ll get into in a little bit.

TFSR: Cool, that’s exciting. Can you talk a bit about the Digital Defense Fund or the DDF, how it started, and what it works on?

Kate Bertash: Yes. Digital Defense Fund was actually started the first time Donald Trump was elected. Back in 2016, there was a huge demand for resources in digital security and privacy mostly for the abortion access movement. There had been a bunch of really high-profile attacks, website takedowns, breaches, and a lot of digital attacks targeted at folks who usually help people get their abortions or fundraise for them. And so this pool of resources was set aside.

I had been running events that were volunteer events to connect technologists with abortion access projects in the field, helping organizations turn a spreadsheet into a real database or fix a broken website. In some cases, folks make things like open-source platforms that they use for case management for people who are working to get their abortion via an abortion fund. So there was a lot of work to do to make sure that all the folks who were working out in the field had security and privacy resources, like trainings and evaluations. We also provide funding to help people get the improvements that they need, like software that has good safety standards and all the privacy features that we love.

And since then, it’s grown quite a bit, over the last eight years. We have a small team, about five people full-time. Recently, in the last two years, since the decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, which is the Dobbs decision, we actually now also work with organizations and movements outside of abortion access too. I think that was a really important moment where we realized that all the work that we had put in to try and secure these spaces was going to be really important for the wider pantheon of bodily autonomy, abolition, groups that work on democracy defense, all kinds of different service provision.

I know that I’m really grateful actually to talk to you today about one of the huge overlapping areas, which is that work that we try and do on helping folks to understand how surveillance impacts all of these different movements, not just, of course, abortion or any of the other ones we’re going to talk about today.

TFSR: Yeah, that’s amazing. And I’m so happy that you were able to focus on this very important part of our lives, around people’s reproductive health, or people’s bodily and health autonomy, more succinctly, and then be able to expand that out to commonalities and recognize the common ideologies that are focusing from the outside on limiting people’s access to health procedures.

Kate Bertash: I was gonna say it’s really interesting, because I know that we’re gonna chat a little bit today about automated license plate readers, and it was a kind of funny story when I first got this job, back in the day, some of the first folks that were really very supportive of what we were trying to do with Digital Defense Fund were our colleagues over at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. One of them was, Dave Maass , whose title, I believe, has been updated since then, but he was one of the senior investigative folks over there who was working on automated license plate reader data and how it’s used and misused.

We were having a phone call one day where he was trying to advocate for a particular bill that they introduced in California that was going to basically reconcile the fact that you can actually cover your plate with weather cover when lawfully parked. But why not then just be able to cover your plate when lawfully parked all the time? That might be a really great privacy measure for people who don’t want their stuff ingested into these databases, some of which we’ll discuss a little more about how those are collected and why.

We had discussed how license plate surveillance is actually ubiquitous outside of abortion clinics, unfortunately. Instead of using automated processes, there are often people who disagree with abortion who stand outside a clinic, and they will have a notebook and pen and cameras and record people’s plates going in and out.

Getting to share in that context that license plate surveillance, even when it’s not automated, has been a way in which people are surveilled and oppressed, and it impacts people’s bodily autonomy and freedoms, was a really great piece of context to be able to add to the conversation, beyond some of the other things that I know we’re going to talk about, with impacts on people who are disproportionately policed or targeted because of their immigration status. Just knowing that abortion rights, and I think health access also plays a huge, huge role in the impacts of some of the expansion of these surveillance systems.

TFSR: Yeah, or sexuality, if people are going to a pride event, or are parked outside a gay bar or a queer bookstore or whatever. Or someone attending a demonstration of some sort of political perspective that may not be supported. Yeah, yeah. It really is pretty scary.

So if someone is recording a license plate number and tag information, what can they do with that? Assuming that law enforcement and state agencies have access to these databases connected to the DMV, can the random citizen, community member, or the person that’s recording that’s wanting to do research, what kind of information can they actually find from that, short of joining the police force?

Kate Bertash: Some of what’s really troubling, especially about the rise of these systems, is that they sort of run into this problem that we encounter in the example I gave, with an abortion clinic, but also just in the world in general, which is that we sort of have no right to privacy in public space. Your privacy rights are determined by who owns the ground you’re standing on, which is a very odd thing that I think is a sort of artifact of how America views property rights as the basis of all privacy rights.

But I think one of the things that becomes really troubling about that is that we tend to gauge whether or not something is right or wrong in that regard based on how difficult it is to pull off. So you have people who, it sounds quite tedious, standing outside of a clinic, and they’re taking down stuff with pen and paper. And so you’re like, “Oh, that’s probably not too bad,” whatever I’m going to do with that information.

Whatever private database these people who disagree with abortion are keeping, they might have a spreadsheet, they might use it then to try and find other places where that plate is seen. In many cases, before the Dobbs decision, there were requirements often that people go back to a clinic multiple times in a row to be able to fulfill all of the legal requirements, for having a sonogram on one day, and then there’s like waiting period. So they would try to catch people breaking these rules.

Some of where this becomes especially troubling is that now we have these automated systems. You have the ways in which an automated license plate reader might be available. These are devices, they’re cameras, they’re always on, and they essentially record all the plates that go by them. They are sometimes found on street lamps. They are found on police cars. And there’s just all these different ways that we find places to put them around.

Sometimes they’re owned by the police force. Sometimes they’re also owned by private entities, so parking lots and structures, landlords, businesses. Even now, I think, HOAs are starting to buy and install these devices. So you have then this database that’s accessible by whoever bothered to purchase the system. And whereas we have some measure of accountability—I would say not very much—but certainly more when it is a government entity or agency that is collecting and holding information, you don’t have any control over what a private entity is going to potentially do with that.

TFSR: Yeah, that’s pretty crazy to think that it’s not just going into that person’s notebook, but it’s getting uploaded with maybe location data or time, all this metadata, and then put into a database that’s shared among anyone who just happens to subscribe to the same software.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, and I wanted to pick up on the piece that you discussed. Who owns it and what they can do with it matters a whole lot, just because I think that’s actually some of where getting into these newer systems that are available to monitor folks’ license plates gets problematic. Normally you have these systems where, I think in the past, you would have been a company or a police department or someone else purchasing your system, setting it up, and managing your own data. And so there was a company that came along that decided to make this a whole lot easier by saying, “Actually you don’t have to set up your own servers, your own accounts, your own systems. We’re going to do this as a service for you.”

Flock was one of the companies that popped up to basically say, “We’re going to give you this baked-together system. It’s going to come with the cameras, and they’re going to have all the software already on them. It’s going to connect to a database and to a large nationwide network that we manage.” So they’re going to make it super easy for you to have access to a portal where you can search and look through all of this interface.

And whereas it’s all held on their servers, you are a subscriber. So they basically claim in their user agreement that you own all of the data that your license systems collect, and that they “do not sell access to it.” I’ve actually really had a huge problem with the way that they frame this because they certainly do not resell that data, but they sell access to that data. I forget what that show is that talks about, it’s not “the assistant manager,” it’s ”assistant to the manager.” I’m like, “Okay, whatever.”

But that’s the trouble, that on Flock in particular, and I know to some gradient on other types of vigilant systems and other vendors, anybody who is a subscriber of Flock nationwide can have access to any other customer’s data and search it. So obviously that gets super problematic because many times the data that’s being licensed is actually not even only those that are collected by police forces. In some cases, they are also reselling access to data that is collected by private landowners or people who have bought these systems privately to install as part of their HOA or something else.

And certainly, as the number of people who have access to that information grows, the less and less control people who are recorded on those systems have over who has access to their data, where it goes, and what they’re doing with it.

TFSR: Yeah, that’s creepy. I remember after the Patriot Act was passed, there was a part of it where… I’m going to be totally vague, and if this sparks a note for you and you remember it, then that’s great, and work off of that. I don’t know if it was a part of Total Information Awareness or another program, but I recall there being a concern about the installation of cameras by government entities, by the FBI, I think. And the FBI would also fund businesses purchasing cameras as long as they had access to the contents of what they had recorded. I don’t know how far that actually went, but it sounds kind of like a baby version of what’s being created here, except not market-driven specifically.

Kate Bertash: Yeah. And I think what gets really problematic here, too, is that because this is information that is collected “in public,” you do not need the warrant to be able to access this information. They claim that it’s equivalent to indeed having a cop standing on a street corner, the things that they observe or not, something that you would need to be able to show that is related to an investigation or a crime.

I think one of the things that’s really awful about this in particular is that it reflects this inversion of the way we’ve come to view the accountability for expansion of surveillance services, which is that this is a marketplace. They are trying to make money, and regardless of whether or not anyone needs to know this information, they found that people are willing to purchase the service based on the idea that sometime in the future it might be useful for an investigation.

I know part of the justification under things like the Patriot Act is that there’s this extreme level of visibility and powers, but we might need them. What if one day there is some horrible terroristic threat that justifies this need to keep this always on very deep level of access somewhere waiting on a back burner. That is the excuse, certainly, that has been used to expand the marketplace for these services, including even to jurisdictions like the one I live in, where it might not even be a great bang for your buck on how many times you’re actually going to dig into that system and use it to solve a case.

TFSR: Yes, since you brought up Flock Safety, which has really hit the headlines over the last few years, could you talk about the company, how it markets the service and this equipment, and what is the pricing for it? I don’t want this to turn to an advertisement for Flock, obviously.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, no, absolutely. Let me actually pull that up, just because I do have somewhere in here the pricing that they’ve at least given to my community.

I first became aware of Flock very early in their history. It was many years ago. It was a small company that I think billed itself more as building these in-neighborhood surveillance systems. They were trying to make themselves appear like they were a security camera plus. They started out in Georgia and then have quickly become now a multi-billion dollar valuation company that basically not only sells these pre-baked cameras as a service. Their platform actually includes the Flock cameras. They are not traffic cameras. They don’t measure speed or issue tickets for any traffic infractions, but they are continuously ingesting information, and they come attached to the Flock operating system, which is a portal where users can look up individual plates, last 30 days of driving locations, no warrant required. They also have a huge fleet of other devices that they’ve started to work on, some of which are going to include drones and other types of observation data.

One thing that has really grown a lot, especially about the way that they structure their product in the last couple of years, is the use of something called “a searchable vehicle fingerprint.” I like that you brought up things like whether somebody might be involved in different causes or attending different types of actions or protests because the company basically says it not only gathers the license plate information, but vehicle make, type, color, state of the plate, whether the plate is covered, if it’s missing. There are unique features that are recorded, like roof racks or bumper stickers. Some people put bumper stickers on that indicate their political leanings or something about their identity, and then, basically, you could probably use their system to search for any of those features, including particular bumper stickers. That would certainly be a problem. I know one that the ACLU has taken some umbrage with.

Some of the what I have the biggest issue with especially is that they are a company that goes into communities. They actually have people who are representatives that will go and try to get your police department to see that this might be a great product for them to add and to have your community pay for. One of the things that supports that is these things like we have. I live in Washington State. We have something called the Washington Auto Theft Prevention Authority, and whatever the state sheriffs union is promotes grants that will cover sometimes a portion of the first year. I know they’ve been pushing those really heavily on sheriffs departments, on other local police departments.

The quote that I know that our community got when we were… I’m kind of surprised by one. I’m looking at the actual invoice here, $6,000 per camera. And then you have a sales tax, and then there’s a setup and implementation fee, which is a couple of thousand bucks. So for example, for our community to have started with six cameras, which is quite few—e are a very small town—was still a total of about $43,000. So a grant covered some portion of that. And I know that there are communities where they’re installing hundreds of these.

The prices I know are not fixed. They go up or down based on the type of camera and ability to pay. But it certainly is something that our community then would be on the hook for after the grant runs out. The idea is that, like with many types of technology products that are in your phone, it’s sort of a freemium model pricing. You know, first one’s free, and then you’re kind of locked into these longer contracts where you’re just accumulating annual fees. So it doesn’t matter whether or not you find the system successful, whether or not your community finds it to be good compared to other things they could be spending their tax money on. Certainly, they are looking to get out into as many communities as possible so that they can expand their base of continuously renewing revenue.

TFSR: Was your community specifically experiencing a spate of car thefts? Or is this maybe more an example of: federal funding or state funding is available for this. If it doesn’t get spent, then it’s not going to be in the budget for next year?

Kate Bertash: I’m glad we’re getting into this too, because I had been aware of this company for a couple years, and then, of course, I had been very active on automated license plate reader systems. Back in the day when Dave and I were talking about how these systems work, I created a line of clothing called Adversarial Fashion so that you could inject junk into automated license plate reader systems. These fun shirts and clothes that were covered in license plates and other patterns that would emulate them.

A lot of trouble with these systems is that they have what’s called very low specificity, which means that they’ll read almost anything. They’re meant to obviously work at high speeds, so they sometimes read stuff like picket fences and billboards and other things that they really shouldn’t. It’s kind of fun to prove that the accuracy of these systems is quite low. You can imagine if the accuracy of these systems is kind of iffy, you would perhaps really want there to be a good reason why you would purchase them and to find them actually useful in a small community.

I actually live in a very small town. I had lived in larger cities for many years, but these last couple of years being a rural resident have been very enlightening. So you have to imagine my surprise when I am sitting in my house, and my husband says to me that there’s a Facebook post from the Sheriff announcing proudly that they have successfully installed six Flock cameras in my community.

TFSR: Yay…

Kate Bertash: I was very, very bummed. I’m putting it very lightly. I think I kind of hit the ceiling. I was very angry because I also am very involved locally. I attend and listen in on all of our city council meetings or our community hearings. In the neighboring county, the company had tried to push these types of cameras. The neighboring counties called Klickitat County, and together the county commissioners, city council, and the public had decided it wasn’t a good fit. So you can imagine my surprise when suddenly these cameras are with no discussion in my county, were suddenly already installed.

Thankfully, because I have this kind of job, and because I know amazing people who have taught me how to do this, I have been pulling all the public records to try and get the background. One of them was the grant application, which showed that car thefts, which were used as the justification for buying the system, have actually been going down in the last several years in my county. So I want you to just imagine for $43,000 a year how many car thefts you would want to have to justify the cost of a system? Especially in a small, small place with very little tax revenue. And for the last year recorded, we had six stolen vehicles reported. So not a great deal, I would say. Six divided by 43,000. It didn’t seem to matter whether or not we actually needed these kinds of items. It was more about selling to our Sheriff’s Office that these would be a good addition, especially if they were, “very understaffed or a very small team.”

That kicked off a lot of controversy. When people live in a rural community, they are often out here because they are expecting some measure of privacy. People move out to get away from the hustle and bustle of things and to feel like you have the freedom to live without people always looking at you and everything you’re doing. And so this idea especially in a small place where we don’t have a ton of roads in or out of our county that you could have these choke points where very few cameras then could track basically 100% of our local communities’ movements to and from work, to their kids’ schools, to their doctor, to their church. That did not go over very well, and I’m sure we’ll get a little bit more into what happened next. But I think it was quite a shock to see that even in our small county, where I didn’t think we would be that much of a market for a company like this one, that they don’t seem to discriminate. Everybody’s tax money is as green as anyone else’s.

TFSR: Did Flock learn from some of the problems that they had experienced in the neighboring county? Was that one of the reasons that you didn’t hear anything about it?

Kate Bertash: Yeah, I would guess so. I think one of the big disappointments was that it was a public discussion elsewhere, and it was not a public discussion in our community. And so I actually had organized then two information sessions for my neighbors. I’m very lucky that this is something that I know something about. So I decided to put together a session in each of the two larger towns in our county so that neighbors could come in and learn more about the system.

I understand that everybody also has a different idea of whether or not they think that the risks and trade-offs are worth it, whether this is a good fit. But I think my big goal was to say, “Regardless of whether or not you think this technology is effective or that it does what it should, we each deserve the opportunity to talk about it as a community. It’s a pretty big decision to make without any kind of discussion or consent.”

I love to encourage people that if you feel strongly about this kind of thing, you can go rent a room at the library, you can print up fliers, you can paste them around town. You can talk to all your neighbors. We don’t have a news channel or a newspaper. Facebook is our critical place where we get everybody together. We managed to pack the rooms. And I was very proud that everybody came in to listen and then especially talk. Our Sheriff and the Undersheriff came to both sessions, and we were able to then have a very respectful and productive discussion, which was a very pleasant surprise. Of course, Flock did not send any of their folks who were locally hanging around trying to sell, but it was really good for us to clear the air and say that there are a few problems that we all have with these systems.

I might think that my small-town Sheriff is great, whatever. This could be somebody you voted for, somebody you’ve known growing up. This is where it can get really tough to try and interrogate those relationships and to understand the role that they play in why we do or don’t reject surveillance technology in our community. What is your relationship to who’s going to hold that information? And pointing out that, unfortunately, because this plate data is very valuable, it’s really high risk for being hacked.

I know a couple of different articles have come out where Flock has repeatedly refused to subject its cameras to independent security testing. There was a particular researcher (I will have to find this person’s name), who had done some tests on some of the Motorola LPRs (License Plate Recognition) and found that they were misconfigured, and basically just streaming live data to anybody who wanted to intercept them. Unfortunately we don’t know if there are any similar issues with Flock Safety Systems, because they won’t subject them to that kind of testing. So not only is it then potentially the people who are supposed to have “authorized access” but also unauthorized access.

Because Flock Safety is rolling out across thousands of communities, they don’t really pay very close attention to all of the different rules about what you can install in different types of right of way, or on public land, or getting the right permits. And our community indeed, was also one where they ran roughshod over the permitting process, which led to some [cameras] being uninstalled. But that’s a story for another day.

TFSR: Yeah, that’s a great start. This is a spicy zine called “Birds of a Feather, Destroy Flock Together” that I was handed, and near the middle of it it’s giving examples of how to engage. One of the things that they mentioned, which your story made me think of, was… Here’s what they say: “Cops getting Flocks installed near Portland, Oregon on state highways and freeways without permission resulted in the state telling Flock that it needs to remove the cameras and any related equipment because the company does not currently have a permit to install or operate cameras within State Highway and freeway rights of way.” So it seems like a similar instance. And guess it’s kind of the surveillance version of Bird scooters or whatever those are called.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, exactly, you just kind of go for it until somebody tells you “no.” Again, a lot of my perspective on this is philosophical. I obviously very much disagree with the expansion of the surveillance state. But then it also becomes very practical and personal.

Our community has a really small tax base. Less than 2% of the county in Skamania is taxable land. And so every dollar does count. When you waste public resources by running over this process, and then WsDOT (Washington Department of Transportation) had to get involved, and now we have to have people’s time taken up and get these things uninstalled and reapplied for permits. That translates to actual dollars and cents and time that we often don’t even have to work on very critical things in our community. Like real-time emergency services are an absolutely urgent need that every dollar that’s going towards $50,000 worth of some excessive product we don’t use could be going instead towards search and rescue equipment and things like that.

One of the things that was really a bummer was to see that this is sort of their MO. It costs them, as a multi-billion dollar company, relatively nothing to just forge ahead and shove themselves into every community, and then leave us, as the local folks, to clean up their mess. And that was definitely very frustrating because you have basically people who have also their own concerns about how the information is used day to day.

Somebody had made a really great point. One of the things that was really cool about these meetings was that I was really surprised who showed up. I know my community pretty well. I don’t know how you gauge the mental model of what a rural community is. But we run the full political spectrum. There are a lot of folks here who vote on either side of the aisle. I think also people tend to focus a little bit less in local elections on whether or not somebody is a Republican or a Democrat, but the room is fully represented. I was very pleasantly surprised then to hear that the entire community was on the same page, where nobody likes these cameras and wanted them out.

You had folks who, I know, vote straight ticket red and wear a MAGA hat to the meeting, saying, “Well I might trust you as the Sheriff. But what’s going to happen when this information and access to the system is then given to your successor. Who else gets this job in the future? Suddenly, this is just something that automatically I’m expected to allow the Sheriff’s Department to have.” I think it was really very interesting to hear the commonalities and pushback about how it was about trust as much as it was about anything else.

This company coming in was basically taking the trust that we already had with each other and trying to replace it with something that you could buy or sell. Taking it away from the systems we already use to talk to each other about whether somebody found a car that somebody stole. You know, you have posts all over our Facebook group where people will be like, “Hey, I think my car was stolen.” And then a neighbor will find it for you parked on the hill within 12 minutes, and then instead replace that with something that you have to pay for. That stuck out to me as something that didn’t occur to me many years ago when I was starting to learn and think about these systems. They interfere with your relationships with each other, as neighbors and as a community.

TFSR: Yeah, that’s a really interesting way of thinking about that. You’d mentioned concerns about like, this Sheriff was elected, who knows who’s going to be filling those shoes afterward. With the data that Flock, for instance, as one company that offers this kind of product, is there a shelf life that they promise? And how accurate can that shelf life be?

Kate Bertash: The default setting for Flock Safety’s particular user agreement is a 30-day trailing map of everywhere you’ve been all day. And I think, frankly, that seems very long to me. 30 days is certainly enough time for you to get to know somebody’s work and driving habits. And I think, generally speaking, we also have to just take their word for it. There’s no real way to prove that they don’t keep it longer than 30 days until somebody actually sues them, and they have to prove via the discovery process that that is or isn’t the case.

It’s the same thing when we are looking for a product like a VPN, and they say that they don’t collect logs. It’s really tough for us sometimes to know until that company is sued and has to prove that they do or don’t collect certain information. So we actually just have to take Flock’s word for it, as well as any of these other vigilant systems or any other vendors.

One of the things that the ACLU put out that was really very helpful was a set of parameters or a set of updates that you could ask for your community to make to the contract with Flock to try and shorten this time and also limit who might have the availability to access your community search data. That’s something that we’re still working on locally, trying to get our Office of the Sheriff and our Flock contract updated to make sure that we can shorten that. I know that there are communities that have actually shortened it to as little as a few minutes.

If I’m going to take the most generous view of why you might want this system and have access to it, they often use examples like Amber Alerts as a legitimate use of the system. You have somebody who reports that a child has been kidnapped. We’ll get those notifications on our phone that buzz really loud that tell you what the car is and where it was seen headed, any kind of other critical details. You might argue that a search could then go out to any Flock system and see if in the last few minutes, nationwide or within a particular geography, that plate has been seen.

I would say that we had many discussions, even as a community, over what seems like a fair amount of time. I would prefer that they be removed entirely, but I know that it was easier for me to hear from my community and then see that we could probably figure out some kind of agreement, even with the Office of the Sheriff. Is two days enough time, if it was involved in a search and rescue operation? Is it a few hours? At what point would that risk of having the data be abused or misused be reduced enough, if we’ve had to find a middle ground, that something could be found in a certain number of hours? But again, we would ask Flock to update this and then just have to take their word for it that they’ve updated our system this way. So kind of troubling either way.

TFSR: And maybe I’m misunderstanding too, because of the way that you’ve been talking about this. Is the Flock data actually shared into a database that other Flock users have access to?

Kate Bertash: Yes, by default. Yeah.

TFSR: So, even if they put a limitation on it, like this only gets recorded for five minutes, if you’ve got a scraper running and a very big hard drive and you’re in that network, you could just constantly be scraping this data, saving it on your own device, and it may not be available in that central location, but why wouldn’t someone be able to just upload that to some sort of torrent site or whatever, right?

Kate Bertash: Yes. I am glad you brought this up, because there actually is one entity that has total access via a special agreement with Flock Safety Systems, and that is the FBI. I think a lot of people are not aware that Flock Safety has made a deal where all of the data that is collected nationwide at any given time through any one of their systems is automatically forwarded to the FBI system to search for plates that have been tagged in their system as hot plates. We actually don’t know what the data agreement, the use or retention agreement with the FBI, looks like. That, obviously, is not available to us as the general public. So we don’t actually know what the FBI does when it takes those queries that come in saying, “Is this plate in your system,” whether or not, then what the FBI does with that.

I know that in communities like mine, there are various levels of trust with different government entities or not. The FBI is not a popular one. I think that came as a very unfortunate surprise to a lot of the folks in our very small town, that there are agencies that could basically have this kind of full unfettered access without our notification and without any restriction.

TFSR: Wow, thanks. I was not aware of that. I was just asking a leading question about people creeping on the network, and not even the FBI specifically.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, also creepers. Who knows what any individual user is doing with this stuff? They have a lot of very different types of government or non-government agencies that would access this.

So here I have… I pulled it up: “Flock runs all plates against state police watch lists, and the FBI’s primary criminal database, the National Crime Information Center. When a camera scores a hit against one of those databases, law enforcement receives an immediate notification, as Flock CEO Garrett Langley explained in 2020: ‘We have a partnership through the FBI that we monitor all of the cameras for about a quarter million vehicles that are known wanted.’” So there you go.

TFSR: There’s currently a case winding through the Virginia state court system brought in response to the 172 cameras that Flock has installed on public streets to monitor cars, license plates, passing faces, and other biometrics, and use AI to map out people’s daily routes. Civil liberties groups are challenging this as a Fourth Amendment issue. Can you talk a bit about the fears of this sort of wide-scale observation and recording, its impact on daily lives or activities that those with access might want to chill, or how it might affect already over-policed communities in particular?

Kate Bertash: One of the things that’s very important, especially when we’re looking at this kind of question and what this case attempts to answer. I’m not an attorney, but thankfully, I have many lovely folks in our lives who, via my DDF activities and otherwise, have tried to impress upon me what it is that these devices collect and why they become very relevant in a court case. My understanding is that there is someone who is suing through the Virginia state court system to basically say that being continuously monitored and checked against these hot lists for plates over time constitutes what is called a Carpenter violation.

In the landmark case, Carpenter v. United States, the Supreme Court ruled that… There was a particular person whose cell phone records, their location data was being collected for about 127 days, I believe, and basically they were using it to try and implicate this person in a crime.

Your cell phone’s location data is a very interesting sort of parallel to draw here because as we walk around, our cell phones are always looking for the service that we’ve signed up for. Let’s say I have Verizon or AT&T or something. I’m walking around and my phone is constantly looking for cell towers, and it’s knocking on each cell tower, saying, “Hi, are you my service? And if so, I’m going to transfer some data and receive some text messages and stuff.” And so your phone is kind of just broadcasting your location. That data, those pings, can be collected, and each tower keeps a record of how many times it’s been pinged and by who. This is again, kind of functionally public. Your phone is basically always broadcasting to the air its need for service.

The idea was that this information, when collected without a warrant, somehow constituted a form of surveillance over time. What this case, in my understanding, is trying to basically say is, “This other sort of data I am broadcasting out all the time to the world, which is the visibility of my license plate and other information about my car, does that constitutes unlawful surveillance?” And you can see why it’s a little troubling just because we know functionally that somebody can, at scale, use that information as surveillance.

But again, we run into this very difficult problem of what does it mean for something to be public, and what does it mean for something to be observed? We need license plates, or we’ve decided that we need license plates on our cars because they are a critical safety object. They help us to use traffic enforcement or collect tolls, or ensure that cars are registered to their owners. You do not technically need to have a cell phone legally, but you need to have a license plate legally. I’m looking forward to seeing what the outcome here is just because it opens up a lot of other questions, like you said, not just about plates, but then also about things like your face.

We can’t help but broadcast our face and how it looks to the world all the time without a great deal of effort to cover it up or otherwise make sure that it’s never visible to anybody who could take a picture of it or misuse it. Regardless of how this case turns out, I am excited to see it drive forward the conversation on how it is that we’ve decided that when something is functionally public, it means that it can’t be abused or misused by corporations or the government, which is very clearly not the case. Yeah, we’ll see. I’m waiting with bated breath to see how that pans out.

TFSR: I guess, particularly in the last few years, with the rounds of laws that were passed in many states around the country concerning facial coverings. North Carolina has had since the 1870s laws on the books about not covering one’s face in public that were built around slowing down or stopping the Ku Klux Klan. I’ve seen them applied in protest situations where there’s no clear intentionality of attempting to menace someone or threatening violence on someone present in a demonstration, but people would choose to hide their identity because they don’t want to end up on the front page of some right-wing rag or whatever. But even following the beginning of the COVID pandemic in 2020, states have passed similar laws, specifically just saying that if you’re wearing a mask, you could get away with robbing a convenience store or whatever. So, as you say, it’s difficult to obscure your face.

Kate Bertash: Exactly. And I think we’ve decided to forge ahead. I think the kind of “Why now?” and why this is coming to the fore is that these days cloud computing has gotten so cheap, AI-driven systems get cheaper all the time. Certainly, they do suck up a lot of energy and compute now, but the amount is starting to become much more trivial. It is less and less of a lift for a company to offer as a service the ability to ingest billions of data points and then sift through them.

We decided to make choices about what should or shouldn’t be allowed based on how much effort it is, or whether it would be really hard or seem an inordinate burden to, for example, track your face or write down your license plate number, or follow you all over a county, or whatever it is. But now that these things are a lot more trivial, we haven’t had the conversation about what we actually should be able to know about each other. Rather, does it matter if I see it if I’m attaching it or not to this wider dragnet database that has a lot more information that could be contextualized as something that gives somebody too much access to my personal information? And that’s because, again, our privacy rights don’t derive from the individual.

I think, in a dream world, we would all walk around with our ability to respire data into the world and have a certain level of protection. I like that you brought up a mask. It’s a great way to think about it. You know, the ability to manage or contain or have some kind of autonomy right as I walk through the world, over the kind of data I exchange back and forth with it. But unfortunately, we’ve decided that who owns the ground that you’re standing on is then who gets to decide what happens with your data and how it’s used against you or not.

In my opinion, I don’t think, personally, we’re ever really going to get to a satisfactory place until we reconcile what happened there and ideally change it. Because I think that there is kind of no future for the answer to all of these different types of surveillance and privacy violations until we reconcile the fact that your right to privacy cannot come from property rights. It’s just not going to work.

TFSR: Yeah, and it’s not just now. It’s your right to privacy from 10 years ago forward.

Kate Bertash: Scary stuff!

TFSR: Because you were talking about the ability of the individual to obscure their appearance, I would be happy if you would talk about Adversarial Fashion.

Kate Bertash: Yeah. Yeah, that was exciting. It was a really fun project, just because it came from this conversation that Dave and I had that these systems can be fooled. I wanted to prove the point, which is as critical to the discussion around whether or not it’s appropriate for these products to be in communities. We would imagine that philosophically, we of course care whether or not they should be right or wrong based on whether or not they do or don’t work.

I think it’s wrong to surveil people continuously, even if a system works flawlessly. But the case here is that it doesn’t. These systems are built for volume. They are not quite built for accuracy. As a result, by showing that they could be fooled by a t-shirt, it was a great example of a way for me to show that these automated license plate reader systems, which we do decide are so safety sensitive and must have many applications and things like tolls and enforcement, that they unfortunately still have a lot of mistakes that are possible and require a greater level of both scrutiny and stewardship.

But the most fun part about working on the Adversarial Fashion project, I got to present it at DEF CON, and it was really amazing to see the reception. People would ask me the question, “Oh, well, what’s the point of making something like this? Are we supposed to fight the system by all just putting on a cool t-shirt and putting junk into these systems?” And to that I say, do I think that if everybody did it, it could make a difference? I don’t know, maybe.

But I think more or less, one of the things I really love about anti-surveillance art projects is that these questions that you and I are discussing, they’re very big, they’re unwieldy, often. If I’m an average person trying to just get through my day, it can be really hard to decide how I feel about my license plate being tracked everywhere. It might feel inevitable that I just have no control and no power. And what does it matter if I’m not doing anything wrong and all that stuff. Or you might be confused about whether or not you would want your HOA to have that same power.

But creating an art project like a T-shirt that can fool a system I’m supposed to depend on suddenly takes this thing that’s very big and uncomfortable and it crystallizes it into a real example that I can form a strong emotional reaction to. We can agree, potentially, that if a system can be fooled by a t-shirt, it probably shouldn’t be the sole thing implicating me at the scene of a crime. So you might want a little bit more than that to be involved in convicting me.

I think that was the best part of this project, to see the enthusiasm. Obviously, Adversarial Fashion can include many other things. I know, since then, I’ve done a couple of different projects. I sort of had a hunch that not all face masks are equal in how they help conceal you from today’s modern facial recognition systems. And it was really fun to get to run some small experiments there and show that color matters, or the shape and the coverage and things like that. You get to also teach people that these systems, it’s really easy, when they’re bought and sold by a large company, to believe that something is going on under the hood that you must just not be smart enough to know.

These closed systems, they seem like they work like magic, but I think one of my favorite things about these projects is to show my process and show that I’m using systems like OpenALPR, which are actually the exact same thing under the hood as many of these commercially sold systems. You can download it, and you can learn how to spin it up on your own computer. You can play with it and test it. There’s nobody who you have to ask permission. And then once you start to play with it, through your own observations and your own experiments, you get a sort of sense of how it works, how it’s fooled.

And of course, then a better basis of discussion of why is it that something that I can mess with myself is then repackaged by a multi-billion dollar company to be the end-all be-all that’s gonna save my community from every piece of investigation it’s ever gonna have to do. Obviously, that’s not the case. So we get to also push back on these marketplaces and systems that claim that these are the best products ever, and then they sell them to entities that don’t really have the time to test them or evaluate their claims. Instead, we all just get charged for basically handing over our data for free to a company that’s going to sell access to it for their own gain.

TFSR: Yeah. And then, as you said, the imperfection of these facial recognition technologies, for instance, and the biases of the data sets that they’re working with. There were reports years ago about how anti-Black a lot of the [systems are]. The inability of facial recognition systems to distinguish between different folks with a lot of melanin in their skin, because all the models that they were testing against were lighter skinned folks, and that leading to false charges against people, false identification.

Kate Bertash: Yes, it can be really alarming to see also how there are these knock-on effects when we ask and answer the wrong question about why that works or not. I mean, it’s many years ago, so that’s probably been updated by this point. But I think one of the very troubling outcomes is when folks were saying, “We have all these different facial recognition systems, they’re bought and sold by different companies. These models don’t work very well on Black faces or people with darker skin, generally, and you gotta fix these if you’re gonna use them.” And so there were some companies that then just went to buy prison data, so they had all of these different mug shots of mostly people who are Black and incarcerated. And so you then created this other extremely exploitive, terrible marketplace, to “solve some problem” with how this data set works and how it’s trained. Without an understanding or an ethos of why it’s wrong, you basically just expand the marketplace for exploiting people and their data.

TFSR: Yeah, a thing about the Adversarial Fashion project and this sort of vein of… I’ve seen a few things come through. There are some that I don’t recall the name of, but they were clothing projects that were making a point of focusing on the US drone warfare program and developing head coverings of various sorts, whether it be hoodies or others, that would shield [from] infrared reading. And it wasn’t so much about the practical application of this, that they weren’t going to be selling it to a bunch of people in Yemen to save them from Obama drones. But it’s still, like you said, the purpose of this [is to show] there are weaknesses to this technology.

Also, I think it’s playful because it does invite people to be like, “Oh, what else can I find there?” There was this glasses company out of Chicago for a while, called Reflectacles, that would produce these different anti-facial recognition technology sunglasses or other sorts of glasses, or they would reflect back infrared lights that would be used for nighttime cameras. This sort of stuff, I think, “Well, that, or we can go around with black metal or Juggalo makeup,” which I think is awesome as a way to screw with facial recognition technologies.

But that sort of playfulness of taking space in that way and opening up conversations with people about like, “Well, that’s weird. Why are you doing this? Oh, I didn’t know that camera could do that too. I didn’t know that in the passing police car, underneath it, or in the lights on it, there’s a camera that is constantly scanning for license plates or whatever.”

Kate Bertash: Yeah, and I think, this does actually digs into this area of work that I’m deeply, deeply interested in. I will probably be spending many years of my life, really, always asking more questions and trying to write and think about it more. Which is what does it mean for a system to look at you and decide what of your data or your image in the world is going to be a substitute for your identity, for your presence in space, and what is it going to translate you to?

Looking at how computers see us, they actually show a lot of questions that we haven’t answered about how we look at each other. One of the big ones, especially, is that human facial recognition is not excellent. We actually have a really long-standing problem with the fact that memory is really weird. When people are often taken in and trying to identify who committed a crime against them in a lineup, there are so many different issues that are very well studied about how poorly we recognize faces.

There’s been incredible experiments done where they show people pictures. I believe this is a Danish study where they showed people photos. It was 40 different photos, all of some guys, and they asked people how many different people there were in these pictures. And the mean score was five plus or something. But if you were from this country, you would know that there were only two people, because they were both celebrities. And so seeing them at different angles, different lighting, making different faces, they were just much more intelligible to you. That is a problem we experience as people, and yet now we expect machines to solve it perfectly, something that we don’t even do ourselves.

And so I think I’m very, very much interested in these questions. I think there are all these kinds of areas where it’s to a business’s benefit to try and claim that all of these problems are solved. There’s an entire area of policing product called Video Forensics that is, in my opinion, nearly bunk. It is actually really difficult to go back to a CCTV camera surveillance system and tell precisely what happened. And you see then that there’s this entire industry through Axon and body cameras that aims to show you, as a jury, potentially, not exactly what happened, but the product is meant to “show what the police officer saw.”

We have this cultural idea that cameras are supposed to tell us the truth or the reality of something that happened, when, in reality, that’s not how these companies are building these systems. They are building them to tell a particular story that is beneficial to the person who purchased the system. And I’m both very interested and very terrified of where that’s all going to go in the next couple of years.

TFSR: This is totally anecdotal because I can’t remember what podcast I was listening to, but I remember hearing this last week the anecdote of law enforcement using body cameras are less and less speaking to individuals when they’re interacting with individuals. They’re speaking and repeating context and subtext to the camera because they know it’s going to be watched later if something happens, or if they have to bring it up in court, it’s gonna be shown to the audience. And so it’s another way of inserting their narrative to it, as opposed to actually de-escalating a situation.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, that they just automatically say, “Stop resisting,” even if you’re not. And that the way that they say things that would be a flag too in some court cases where it indicated that this thing happened. You’re basically no longer speaking to the person who you are interacting with in a police investigation or in a police process, but you are talking to the future jury that you want to acquit you ahead of time for any misconduct.

TFSR: That is so dark. [laughs]

Kate Bertash: It is very dark. And I think some of these systems as well are very open about this. One of my favorite documentaries to come out in the last couple of years that talks about this a lot is called All Light, Everywhere, a highly recommended watch. But part of it is that it goes into this question of the history of the camera, its role then in playing our mental model of what cameras are for and the truth that they tell.

And then they actually go to Axon the company and interview all the people who work there and see the product firsthand and the factories that they’re assembled in. They absolutely feel they have nothing to hide. They know how their product works, and they know who their customer is. So they’re very proud to tell this documentarian and their crew all about how well this is going to show… Because they could actually, with many of these cameras, if they really wanted to put in other types of sensors. You could have infrared in them, or any other type of recording equipment. But they don’t.

They actually put a very purposeful style of camera in that is a little bit like a fish eye sort of lens that’s supposed to show this sort of wider view. It’s “supposed to emulate what the officer saw.” But unfortunately, as we know with these kinds of lenses, at their periphery they tend to exaggerate movement because it stretches and distorts it a bit. So somebody who’s “coming at you from the side” could appear to this lens as if they are making a more rushed movement.

TFSR: Wow, that’s crazy. I’m gonna check that out for sure.

According to a 404 Media article that I will link in the show notes on this subject, there are at least 5,000 communities around the US deploying Flock. And that’s just Flock, that one company, one of a few, at least, that are offering networkable AI-enabled surveillance network systems.

You talked about the pushback after the contract was actually signed in your own town, and the continued pushback that y’all are doing to whittle that back. Do you have any other stories of pushback or resistance that you’ve seen or developed, and could you talk a bit about your traveling education on this subject too? That would be dope.

Kate Bertash: Oh, absolutely. I think honestly, the biggest thing that I wanted to really get through, especially in this conversation, is that it’s really easy to feel like you can just get steamrolled by these systems. In our community, the town I live in is actually unincorporated, which means that we are sort of ruled by the county. That’s our roll-up government. But even then, the county commissioners have very little power over Sheriffs. The Office of the Sheriff is an independently elected position, and in many communities like ours, they operate quite independently. Really, the only person who can do much to stop the Sheriff from doing anything is the Governor of the state. The county commissioners have the power of the purse, but as we can see, even with our national context, that’s not always quite enough to stop folks from doing what they want. We actually really don’t have much we can do to force the Office of the Sheriff to give up these systems.

So you have to start getting creative and thinking about what is actually more motivating. I know that you and I come from these very activist backgrounds, where we all suffer a little bit from the overstatement of the idea that the law is where you can get your relief. You could certainly try and sue somebody or force them with a ballot initiative or whatever to do something. But often it’s very limited and it’s also expensive and not often super practical. It doesn’t always also reflect a vision of a world we want to live in, where people are only accepting something like mass surveillance or not because there’s some big court case that we’re waiting to go through a Federal Circuit Court.

Realistically, I would say the biggest thing that has motivated our community is getting together and just seeing how many people agree, hearing the stories, and hearing the concerns. I think one of the most pleasant surprises that I encountered was that a lot of the people in the room who were the most vocal about their concerns for the system and its lack of appropriateness for our community were former law enforcement. They were people who had either themselves worked for the Sheriff’s Department or been police officers and did not like the level of access that this conveyed, understood that it’s difficult to ensure that it’s used responsibly.

Just having that space where people felt like they weren’t by themselves, and that they could speak out, and hear your neighbor. I was actually also very pleasantly surprised that it turned into a space, unlike a lot of those horrible videos you get of what’s going on at school board meetings or something, there was nobody screaming conspiracy theories at each other, no accusations of this sort of government mythologies that go through some of the more sensational media.

I think, generally speaking, bothering to get in the habit of actually using the space that’s available to you. Anybody can go and rent a space at their library. Anybody can go and put up some fliers and talk to your neighbors. You can ask people to come with you. Almost nobody comes to these public meetings. And so things happen like this. This decision got pushed for us on something called “the consent agenda,” which is just this big, huge packet of invoices that’s hundreds of these long. Whatever way feels right for your community, just knowing that being in the room where it happens matters quite a bit. It can be really tough to do that by yourself, but you don’t need to be a member of an official organization that feels like it’s their job to cop watch to know that it’s your right as a citizen and as somebody who is just living in that community to speak your mind and to ask your neighbors to help you out.

One of the other kinds of projects that I’m really appreciating lately has been the DeFlock project. I think that had come up as a sort of map that people were making together. I know we’ll probably link that in the show notes. But to be able to then go through, and I don’t know if you’ve ever done something called “wardriving,” but it’s where people try to collect this public information that’s available about the Wi-Fi networks that are connected to these cameras, and then they upload them to WiGLE, a database of Wi-Fi networks as they are seen around the country. And those can then be pulled into this DeFlock map, so you can actually see where all of these cameras are. Having that level of transparency to know that you have the right to know where they are in your community, and you have the right to tell other people where they are.

One of the pieces of kind of funny bit of advocacy that I thought was actually quite effective was one of these cameras was actually close to a cannabis store in my community and could basically track everybody going in and out of the parking lot. So I took some fliers, and I went into the weed store and I talked to the staff there, talked to the people who use the weed store, and said, “You probably didn’t know that this is what this thing out here does. And I bet you wouldn’t like that very much.” And so people brought it up at the local meetings, and it’s one of the cameras that ended up being removed.

These things that don’t feel like they matter a lot, that one-to-one personal discussion, actually do matter quite a bit. I think we forget sometimes that our power doesn’t have to come from ballot initiatives, lawsuits, passing new laws, or anything like that. It often comes from our desire to live together and for people to win their elections again for Sheriff or just to understand that we all actually have to see each other every day.

I hope that if this conversation inspires folks to do anything it’s to understand your personal influence in your community, and especially knowing that people want to hear from the person who they live near, who knows about this stuff, and they feel grateful. I was very surprised at the amount of really positive feedback from across the political spectrum. People coming up after these meetings, shaking my hand and saying, “Thank you, young lady, for bothering to put this together.” It was a very heartwarming moment where I feel now also like we’re going to be able to carry the conversation forward in a way that’s actually productive with the Office of the Sheriff, and with the company, moving forward. So wish us luck.

TFSR: Yeah, no that’s really awesome. And yeah, I totally agree. I think it makes sense to pay attention to the laws that are getting enforced and who’s enforcing them and all that. And it can be a lever that if you avoid using it could very well be to your detriment. But our strength is in our community and our relationships, for sure.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, and I think it’s so easy to get discouraged too. When I was thinking about the next steps of what we would do here, but also are there experiments… Something that’s kind of cool about a community like my county that has like 10,000 people in it. It is fairly easy, in many ways, in a way that is not in other types of larger cities, to actually get a pretty significant amount of involvement. You can pretty much talk to almost everybody about it. Getting enough of a quorum of people to take a specific action is a lot more doable than you think.

But I remember getting discouraged because I was thinking, “Well, is it a ballot initiative? Do we have to put something on our next county-level election?” And to just find out that that was going to be really expensive, that the company Flock might put their tremendous resources towards battling us out on it. And then just understanding that I have to remember that I am not limited to this marketplace’s imagination. The way they operate is by throwing money at the problem. But as we have figured out from how a lot of politics are going these days, there is a ceiling on how much you can purchase people’s trust and like for you.

So I’m excited to just keep people understanding that if you believe that you live here and you love privacy and that that’s the thing that brings us together, then there’s no amount of money that you should have to pay to be able to buy back your right to that kind of peace of mind from the place that supposedly wants your votes and wants you to live there.

I’m excited to see, especially, how this changes the conversation in our next Office of the Sheriff election. But also just the fact that it’s come up multiple times now in community meetings since means that you change what people think is possible by telling them that this is a topic you are allowed to talk about and to have an objection to. You can really change a lot of people’s minds about what they’re allowed to expect from the world, which is, I think, the most fun part,

TFSR: Okay, it’s been a real pleasure talking to you. Could you tell people where they can find your work? There’s the DDF that you mentioned. Are there any other project that you want to shout out?

Kate Bertash: So, Digital Defense Fund. We’re at digitaldefensefund.org. All of our learning materials and all of our resources are available online for folks to get to for free. Obviously, you can also reach out there for support around digital security for our various activist needs. But otherwise, I am also on Bluesky and Twitter at @KateRoseBee.

I honestly just would like to encourage everybody to look up, even on DeFlock.me, what the situation is in your community. Are these cameras near me? You know, you can look on your own county commissioners’ website or in your local notes of your city council meetings and try to see if there have been any discussions around this. The closer eye you keep on that [the better]. Turn on a Google alert for it in your town or something. You can both get ahead of it and then also understand the role that a lot of different types of surveillance technology are starting to have in your community and whether you agree with the place that you want them to take up in the world.

TFSR: Yeah, and I guess be proactive too. If those alerts don’t come up, and if it’s not already present in your community, this is a great time to start talking about it. Maybe it’s another company that’s offering a similar service that’s either already there or considering moving into the community. Getting those arguments together, and talking to your neighbors about the concerns is a great way to start.

Kate Bertash: Yeah, The Atlas of Surveillance is another great one that we should definitely link to. That’s a space where some folks who are both from EFF and then also students of journalism have actually done the work to try and pull public information requests to see what surveillance technologies are being used in your area. So check out the The Atlas of Surveillance and learn more. Or you can submit if there’s something there you know that’s being used that you don’t see. But thanks so much for the time. This is great.

TFSR: Yeah, my pleasure. If someone is interested in figuring out how to talk to their community about this, do you have on your website, for instance, a starter pack for talking about this? Or does one of those sites have any good key talking points to start with, that sort of thing?

Kate Bertash: I know that soon there will be more templated directions and examples, including the deck that I use. You can always message me on Twitter. I will happily share with you the deck that I use for my community. But I think one of my favorite places to start was an ACLU-written article that’s entitled “How to Pump the Brakes on Your Police Department’s Use of Flock’s Mass Surveillance License Plate Readers,” and they had a lot of great templated language and some actions you can take to start. I know also that EFF is working on ensuring that communities have more access to things like this in the future. So you can keep an eye out for that. But until then, feel free to always message me on Twitter or on Bluesky, and I will happily share my templated deck with you and the other tips.

TFSR: Awesome. It’s been a pleasure, and thanks again for the chat.

Kate Bertash: Oh, thank you so much. This was wonderful.

Stop Cop City: Imaginary Crimes Tour

"Imaginary Crimes Tour - Stop Cop City | TFSR 3-30-2025" featuring an alchemy-style drawing with three heads with the skulltops cut off over a flat disc cut into portions with symbols floating above the heads and on the disc
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This week, we’re sharing an interview with Selena who speaks about the “Stop Cop City: Imaginary Crimes Tour” and Jordan, a RICO defendant from the Stop Cop City 61 case. The two speak about anti-repression, about where the case is at right now and a wider view of resistance and support. The tour will be hitting over 60 cities (not all in the USA)

From their tour announcement:

61 people are facing RICO trials in Atlanta for alleged involvement in resistance to the construction of Cop City. The State uses imaginary associations and crimes, framed as RICO, as a means to break solidarity and momentum when movements are strong. Anti-repression is a response that uses an alternate imagination to strengthen solidarity and resistance.

In Spring 2025, a nationwide tour will visit over 60 cities to discuss the history of the Atlanta forest, the resistance to Cop City, history of RICO, ongoing legal updates and facilitate discussions on anti-repression and movement defense. Through this tour we aim to share the lessons we have learned across struggles, and adapt to the evolving repressive forces so that we can continue to move bravely together.⁩⁩

Stay updated here:

If you want some more content on the struggle, check out this really interesting episode of Audio Interference, a podcast associated with the Interference Archive in Brooklyn’s Park Slope neighborhood featuring materials from and discussion of a September 2024 installation entitled “Archiving Stop Cop City: This Is Not A Local Struggle

To hear past episodes of ours on the Stop Cop City movement, check out this link.

Announcements

A Message from Peppy

A brief statement from Brian “Peppy” DiPippa, an anarchist in Pittsburgh convicted of engaging a home made smoke bomb at cops protecting an anti-trans event at University of Pittsburgh in May of 2023 and sentenced to 60 months in Federal Prison. You can learn more about Peppy & his co-defendant Krystal (who just had a birthday!) at their support site

May we find inspiration and creativity in these challenging times. Let us be guided by friendship and self determination. May we mind our pace, study our ancestors, listen to our storytellers and run towards expansive freedom and autonomy. Solidarity to all those held captive by the state and their loved ones on the outside, your work is felt even if it is not always the most visible.

Now Airing on WEFR 1700 AM, Fairmont WV

We are happy to announce that we’re airing at 3pm on Saturdays on WEFR 1700AM in Fairmont, WV. To support this small station, check out their GoFundMe, and if you’ve got a community radio station, college radio station or public radio station in your area that you’d like to hear us on, check out our Radio Broadcasting tab and send us their way!

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We (MUST) Keep Us Safe: An interview with a Long-Term, Anonymous Anarchist Comrade on Repression, Trauma, Security Culture, and Revolutionary Solidarity

two black bloc individuals hugging, tenderly and the text "We (MUST) Keep Us Safe: An interview with a Long-Term, Anonymous Anarchist Comrade on Repression, Trauma, Security Culture, and Revolutionary Solidarity | TFSR 1-12-25"
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This week, we’re featuring an anonymized chat with a longtime anarchist on lessons learned trying to stay sane  while facing state repression. We talk about experiencing trauma, the need for strong relationships and movements offering shelter and strong alternatives to the alienated society of state and capital, while also speaking on the challenges of mental health and inviting in new participants in anarchist movement.

Chapters:

  1. Introduction and Disclaimer [00:00:23]
  2. Post-911/Patriot Act State of Heightened Repression and build up to today [00:02:29]
  3. Navigating security amidst a post-social media and post-smart phone era [00:23:33]
  4. Creating safer and more secure revolutionary communities that can better withstand the heat [00:31:02]
  5. Recognizing and overcoming repression-based trauma on an individual and community level [00:40:02]
  6. Supporting comrades overcoming mental health episodes (spiralling) amidst repression and burnout [01:09:13]
  7. On infiltrators and the depths the state will go to inflict trauma, fish, and divide [01:15:57]
  8. Recognizing the ‘severity’ of our position, and taking ourselves seriously [01:26:22]
  9. Some tips on facing trauma or intimidation, or supporting others experiencing repression-related trauma [01:34:18]

Descending References and Resources List According to Interview:

Green Scare Background

Grand Juries

Border Detention

Police Visitation

On Phone and Digital Security Culture

Infiltration Cases:

Anti-Repression Resources:

J20 Case

Sobriety Discussion

Mental Health/Trauma/Burn Out

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“Solidarity, Spirituality and Liberatory Promise on a Turtle’s Back” with Ashanti Omowali Alston

“Solidarity, Spirituality and Liberatory Promise on a Turtle’s Back” with Ashanti Omowali Alston

'“Solidarity, Spirituality and Liberatory Promise on a Turtle’s Back” with Ashanti Omowali Alston | TFSR 9-1-24' and a photo of Ashanti Alston smiling at the camera wearing a pork pie hat and making a mask with his fingers in front of his face
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This week, we’re sharing words from anarchist, author, organizer and former participant in the Black Panther and Black Liberation Army, Ashanti Omowali Alston, in the key note address at the 2024 Another Carolina Anarchist Bookfair in so-called Asheville. The presentation was entitled “Solidarity, Spirituality and Liberatory Promise on a Turtle’s Back”. You can support Ashanti’s GoFundMe here.

From the ACAB website:

Trusting in solidarity, the mysterium of spirituality, and a promise from god knows where—a “where” that at this historical moment, might just be Palestine. What does it mean TO BE in the midst of all this right now? RIGHT NOW!

M. Ashanti Alston is a revolutionary Black nationalist, anarchist, abolitionist, speaker, writer, elder motivator. A long-time member of The Jericho Movement, he is presently an advisory board member of the National Jericho Movement and co-founding board member of the Center for Grassroots Organizing (Vermont land project). He continues giving talks and writing inspirational analyses concerning the dismantling of the myriad oppressive regimes in which we find ourselves enmeshed.

Ashanti is one of the few former members of the Black Panther Party who identifies as an anarchist in the tradition of ancestor Kwesi Balagoon (BPP & BLA). He developed abolitionist politics in the early years of Critical Resistance. He has helped save the life of a baby pig with animal liberationists, learned depth-queer politics from being challenged, and wants to see non-ego eldership partaking through sincerely loving the younger generations who truly want to ‘CARRY IT ON.”

You can find other recordings from the 2024 ACABookfair at acabookfair.noblogs.org.

Announcement

Phone Zap for Granville CI in North Carolina

Prisoners have been filing grievances at Granville CI, a prison in Butner, North Carolina, to no avail complaining about a lack of the legally mandated showers and access to the exercise yard, and are asking for phone calls and emails to demand a resumption of serving these basic needs despite any claims of understaffing. If you check our show notes, you can find a call or email script and the numbers and addresses to direct your words at.

By Joseph ”Shine White” Stewart

How many prisoners must die and how long must we languish in solitary confinement subjected to these harsh and unconstitutional living conditions before there is a public outcry?

The deficiencies in the day-to-day operations of this prison have been longstanding/persistent and well documented. In the past I’ve reported on the culture of abuse, negligence and unprofessionalism here at Granville Correctional.

Over the past couple of months the conditions have only worsened. Those of us who are assigned to Restrictive Housing for Control Purposes (RHCP) are being deprived of showers, recreation, subjected to inadequate health care and other unconstitutional treatment.

Pursuant to Chapter C subsection .1205(A) of the NCDAC policy and procedure manual, prisoners assigned to RHCP will have the opportunity to shower a least three times a week.

Lately prison staff have been using the excuse that there is not enough staff to give us showers or even saying that they are too tired to do showers. As always I must maintain my integrity and be honest when reporting on these conditions. The laziness and neglect I am mentioning here doesn’t apply to all the staff. Sergeant Jones, the second shift sergeant here in C-1 building, makes sure that we are afforded the opportunity to shower. However when it’s not her shift or if she’s not scheduled to work we’re likely not to receive showers if there is a shortage of staff.

Despite being demoted to a less restrictive solitary confinement setting I’ve yet to be offered to exercise outside.

Pursuant to Chapter C section .1206 of NCDAC policy and process manual, prisoners assigned to RHCP shall he allowed one hour per day, five days per week to exercise outside of the cell, moreover the outdoor exercise cages should be used as the primary exercise area. During the exercise periods we are to be allowed to exercise unrestrained.

As when it is time for us to take showers the same excuse is used to deprive us of any recreational time. They don’t have enough staff. As mentioned I haven’t been afforded outside exercise for almost three years now despite being demoted to a lower security level.

Recreation here in C-1 building consists of us being placed in full restraints and allowed to pace up and down the tier for one hour. Lastly, custody staff are having any medical appointments cancelled claiming there isn’t enough staff to escort is to the nurse’s station. This includes mental health appointments as well.

Of course the foregoing isn’t all that needs to be addressed, however these are the issues that my peers and I find to be the most important, thus we entreat that the reader call and demand redress for the aforementioned issues.

Warden James Williams and unit manager Eldridge Walker are responsible for promulgating the aforementioned policies and procedures and for the allowance of the aforementioned practices/customs, therefore they are the individuals who should be held accountable. Please contact these officials repeatedly:

Granville Correctional Institution warden, James Williams – 919-575-3070 (call main line and ask for warden’s office)

Granville CI C-1 Unit Manager Eldridge Walker- 919-575-3070 (call main line and ask to be connected to Unit Manager Eldridge Walker)

NCDAC Dep. Director of Rehabilitation/Correctional Services Maggie Brewer – maggie.brewer@dac.nc.gov – 919-733-2126 (call main line and ask to be connected to Brewer’s office)

NADAC Internal Affairs Director Anthony Smith – 919-715-2632 anthony.smith1@dac.nc.gov

Script for calling and emailing:

“I am (calling/emailing) to demand that prisoners being held in solitary confinement in the C-1 building be afforded the opportunity to shower and exercise outside according to NCDAC’s policies and procedures and pursuant to their U.S. Constitutional rights.

I am demanding that an internal investigation be conducted at the Granville Correctional concerning the grievances being made by prisoners there and I demand warden James Williams and C-1 unit manager he held accountable for the deliberate indifference they have demonstrated.”

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Featured Track:

  • Free Your Mind… And Your Ass Will Follow (instrumental) by Funkadellic from Free Your Mind… And Your Ass Will Follow

Continue reading “Solidarity, Spirituality and Liberatory Promise on a Turtle’s Back” with Ashanti Omowali Alston

No More Deaths / No Más Muertes on the Mexico / US Frontier

No More Deaths / No Más Muertes on the Mexico / US Frontier

a photo water jugs left in the desert with kind notes scrawled on them
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This week, I spoke with two members of No More Deaths, a 20 year old humanitarian organization operating in the borderlands between Mexico and the USA. We talked about the organization, the work it does, how the border has changed, the political legacy of the Republicans and Democrats in the current situation for immigrants, deaths at the border and ways to get involved in supporting people on the move. Here’s a chat from 2017 we did with NMD as well.

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Featured Track:

  • La Frontera by Lhasa from The Living Road

Continue reading No More Deaths / No Más Muertes on the Mexico / US Frontier

“Clean For Who? Safe For Who?”: Asheville Business Improvement District

“Clean For Who? Safe For Who?”: Asheville Business Improvement District

Anti-Business Improvement District flyer from Asheville “Show up to City Council on May 14th for the first of two votes on the proposed B.I.D. Bring a friend! B.I.Ds are bad for • Democracy • Business • Residents Don't take the CRAP NO AVL BID Tell City Council SPEAK UP! MAY 14TH 5PM CITY HALL”
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We sat down with three local activists to talk about the proposed Asheville Business Improvement District, a model of service provision using public funding to increase policing in downtown by an unelected and unaccountable body of largely business and property owners. For the hour, Grace, Madison and Elliot talk about attempts to ram the BID through public process, some of the businesses and individuals behind it, how bids have panned out in other cities around the country and what space there is left to oppose this further privatization of public space in Asheville.

We didn’t mention it here, but there have also been rumblings of the BID model, a version of which was fought and never funded in 2012, being applied to other parts of Asheville, for example West Asheville. You can find more information and ways to get involved with folks organizing against the Business Improvement District at AshevilleBID.com and on Instagram at @NoAVLBid. This is our show for the week of May 12th.

As a quick note, there are a few acronyms frequently used in this conversation. One is RFP, which stands for Request for Proposals and is a process of contracting out an element of a project. Another acronym is ADA, in this case Asheville Downtown Association which is an independent pressure group made up of individuals, business and property owners. Not to be confused with the Asheville Downtown Commission, which was created by the City Council and contains appointed representatives from the ADA, city council, Buncombe County Board of Commissioners and few other community members including business owners.

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Featured Tracks:

  • Asheville BID song (unknown artist)
  • Moving Through The Streets (instrumental)

Continue reading “Clean For Who? Safe For Who?”: Asheville Business Improvement District